GSC supports FCIC March for Diversity
By James Twine
Published:
Wednesday, February 18, 2004
The Texas A&M Graduate Student Council (GSC) said at its
meeting Tuesday that it would support Wednesday’s diversity
march.
GSC supports FCIC March for Diversity
By James Twine
Published:
Wednesday, February 18, 2004
The Texas A&M Graduate Student Council (GSC) said at its
meeting Tuesday that it would support Wednesday’s diversity
march.
‘Defeat ignorance, support diversity’
Hundreds of students, faculty and
staff
attend rally to promote diversity
By Anthony Woolstrum
Published: Thursday,
February 19, 2004
—–Caption—–
Michael Jackson (left), class of 1988, and Thomas
Spellman, class of 1986, hold hands in front of the Academic Building in support of the march Wednesday
afternoon. The march through campus was organized by the members of the Faculty Committed to an
Inclusive Campus and included a rally at Rudder Fountain. (Photo by John C. Livas / The
Battalion) “Aggies are diverse; we are diverse.”
This statement and others were
chanted Wednesday afternoon as hundreds of Texas A&M faculty, staff, students and members of the Bryan
-College Station community gathered for a rally sponsored by the Faculty Committed to an Inclusive
Campus (FCIC) to promote diversity on campus.
“We have to make sure that we represent
Texas A&M to the outside community the way we want to be represented,” said James Anderson, vice
president for diversity.
Feb. 2004
“We Don’t Want to Integrate!”
That was the outcry
made by 4,000 students in 1963 when Texas A&M President, General Earl Rudder, convened a campus forum
to discuss plans to admit women. According to the Brazos Genealogical Society online, “Rudder’s
concluding remarks are drowned out by a chorus of boos.”
Even today at the College Station
campus, if 4,000 people are shouting together about something, it will not be a good day for
diversity.
How do we approach these persistent and discouraging dynamics? During Black
History Month, we are going to try to keep our scholarly wits. There are crucial questions to
answer.
For instance, we have yet to locate a document that supports the Texas A&M
announcement to extend the vestiges of Hopwood. We tried looking in the Regents’ agenda packet, but
there was absolutely no mention of race or affirmative action there.
Where is the
documentary trail that leads to the decision to uphold the vestiges of Hopwood and why was it made? It
is remarkable that the Regents didn’t put a single word in writing.
Professor Marco
Portales reports that A&M President Robert Gates met with “minority” faculty on Dec. 18, two weeks
after the announcement was made. So who did he meet with before?
As we continue to
collect materials and to think about the possibilities of winning a civil rights victory, we cannot
forget that we live in a state rich with civil rights intelligence. James Farmer, Sr., taught at Sam
Huston College in Austin (now Huston-Tillotson) and Wiley College in Marshall. He raised up a son,
alright, who was not a Young Conservative.
And speaking of Wiley College, we marvel at
the golden age of scholars who would today still be considered heroic for their intellectual
courage.
Oliver Cromwell Cox, for instance, who taught at Wiley College, wrote a durable
analysis of Caste, Class, and Race. For him, the anti-integration fervor of young people was not to be
explained by any innate tendencies to wickedness. These attitudes have to be cultivated. And behind
that cultivation, Cox looked for interests served.
So how do we understand the
conditions that cultivate such dreadful images as jungle parties, affirmative action bake sales, and
open protests against the arrival of a Vice President for Diversity?
As we continue to
sift for documentary evidence, we will also continue to read our Black History and reflect on the Texas
struggles that have brought us this far.
And we will not apologize for following quite a
different path of scholarship than what is being pursued by Young Conservatives these days, who are the
intellectual heirs of a staunch tradition to be sure. In the end, will the elite leaders of the state
do what Cox predicted they would do–cultivate neo-fascist youth–or will they stand up to the boos?
Mark your calendars for March 11, when the Univ. of Texas Regents have scheduled a
special meeting during Spring Break whose agenda has yet to be announced.
Greg
Moses
Site Editor
via email from Asst. Prof. of English at Texas A&M, Elias Dominguez-
Barajas.
The recent Harvard study describing the resegration of U.S. schools has been
mentioned in several different contexts, and I’m sure that many … have not only heard of it but have
actually perused the full report. Despite the latter, I considered it pertinent to pass the information
along in case somebody who hasn’t heard of it wants the actual source for research purposes or
personal information.
[More summary below. Get the link at “Web Links” Module (the
menu at the upper left) under “National Resources.]
Gary Orfield and Chungmei Lee began to
circulate their preliminary findings several years ago (starting circa 1997). Those findings have been
confirmed
in their final report, which includes the following points among
others:
There has been a substantial slippage toward segregation in most of the states
that were highly desegregated in 1991. The most integrated state
for African Americans in 2001 is
Kentucky. The most desegregated states for Latinos are in the Northwest.
However, in
some states with very low black
populations, school segregation is soaring as desegregation efforts
are abandoned.
American public schools are now only 60 percent white nationwide and
nearly one fourth of U.S. students are in states with a majority of nonwhite
students. However,
except in the South and Southwest, most white students have little contact with minority
students.
Asians, in contrast, are the most integrated and by far the most likely to
attend multiracial schools with a significant presence of three or more racial groups. Asian students
are in schools with the smallest
concentration of their own racial group.
The vast
majority of intensely segregated minority schools face conditions of concentrated poverty, which are
powerfully related to unequal educational
opportunity. Students in segregated minority schools face
conditions that students in segregated white schools seldom experience.
Latinos confront
very serious levels of segregation by race and poverty, and non-English speaking Latinos tend to be
segregated in schools with each other. The data show no substantial gains in segregated education for
Latinos even during the civil rights era. The increase in Latino segregation is particularly notable in
the West.
Rally the
Mob!
The One Thing Bush Does Best
By Greg Moses
Texas Civil Rights
Review
https://texascivilrightsreview.org/phpnuke
Published at Counterpunch
And The Fort Worth Star-
Telegram
Stirring a crowd is one thing. Mob politics is another. Today with his
announcement that he intends to pass a Constitutional Amendment against gay and lesbian marriage,
President Bush reminds us what a mob monger he is. “I’m a uniter, not a divider,” promised
candidate George W. during the election of 2000, but his most effective political initiatives reveal
that his most sinister political talent is to rally us against them, whoever they
are.
That is why so few politicians voted against the Patriot Acts or the wars. When
Bush brought these issues to the table, he did so with his singular genius for relegating the
opposition into an intolerable world apart.
Now he attempts to do the same thing with
gay and lesbian marriage. “If you dare to vote against this prohibition you will be counted among the
forces of darkness, and we will bury your political future.” That is the tone that Bush is able to
strike, even if he never quite puts it that way. He has a talent for raising a mob with code words
that mask naked power with righteousness.
The unforgiving tone of Bush leadership is an
eerie echo of the religious fundamentalism that he purports to oppose in global politics. Even his
most conservative allies, such as James K. Glassman, of the American Enterprise Institute, recognize
that today’s “defense of marriage” initiative is a political invitation to energize the fundamentalists
at home.
Faith-based agitation in Massachusetts, for instance, has helped to shift
public opinion ten points in the direction of intolerance, reports Frank Philips of the Boston Globe.
And this is Catholic, northern fundamentalism, not Protestant southern. So you ain’t seen nothin’
yet.
The Boston Globe story gives us another disturbing detail by reporting that the
popular mood in this case demands majority rule rather than court consideration when it comes to these
crucial issues of civil rights. But appeals to majority rule have usually been bad news in the history
of civil rights.
Beginning with the Bill of Rights, and going all the way up to the
“Defense of Congressional Pay” (Amendment Number 27), Constitutional Amendments have been put in place
to protect the relatively powerless against the state and majority rule. In the case of the
Congressional Pay amendment, two consecutive votes of Congress are demanded, and why? Because when you
get leaders like George Bush in office, mob fervor is liable to sweep reason away.
We
might demand for the American people the same protection the Congress has arranged for itself. Two
consecutive votes of Congress, with an election intervening.
Only once has a
Constitutional amendment been passed by a majority in order to put a minority “in its place.” That was
the mis-guided Prohibition amendment, the only one to be repealed.
With the call for a
Constitutional amendment to ban gay and lesbian marriage, President Bush summons a new American mob,
panders to fundamentalism, and reverses the tradition of constitutional amendments, initiated by the
Bill of Rights. George Bush is a political animal with his back against the wall. And he has made us
in his image, into a nation of claws and teeth.