Author: mopress

  • Picture Perfect Inequity in Facilities Funding: Closing Argument Part Five

    In the Fifth and Final Part of his closing argument in behalf of Edgewood Intervenors in the 2004 Texas school funding trial, attorney David Hinojosa of the Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund (MALDEF) shows how Texas school facilities can be perfect pictures of resources never offered.

    And finally, the evidence proved that the State system for facilities financing is inefficient, and I would even say grossly inefficient. And it’s not a suitable means to provide — or part of a suitable means to provide — a general diffusion of knowledge for the children of property poor districts.

    In 1995, the Supreme Court stated that but for an evidentiary void in Edgewood facilities funding, the system would be unconstitutional. We feel at this time there’s no question about it. The overwhelming evidence in this case shows that the system established after the 1995 decision that was meant to provide some measure of equalization actually never provided the constitutionally efficient system for facilities financing and has, in fact, fallen completely apart.

    Unlike Tier 1 and Tier 2 funds, facilities financing is not subject to recapture, as it was in 1995. And there is no equalized wealth level for property rich districts, meaning that property rich districts are able to keep every single tax dollar raised from their huge property tax base. And property poor districts are just left with the hope year to year that enough funds will be allocated, appropriated by the legislature to assist them in building new and renovating old facilities.

    The evidence proved that back in 1997, 200 million was appropriated, and most districts who applied for IFA received IFA. Then in the 1999 biennium, only 150 million was appropriated, and more districts were denied because of the insufficient funding appropriated by the legislature. And in the 2001 biennium only 100 million was appropriated, with even more districts’ applications being denied.

    And by 2003, the well had dried up for IFA, and zero dollars was appropriated in the first year of the biennium. In the second year of the biennium, the State got generous and threw out a peppercorn of $20 million to property poor districts. And that was gone with only 16 districts receiving funding under IFA, and a hundred denied.

    As Edgewood Exhibit 407 shows, these are the only 16 districts. If you had more than $63,000 of initial wealth per ADA, the value after reduction, then you were just too wealthy for our State to help you. And if we scroll down the list, the shaded districts are the districts that just did not receive IFA funding, compared to the ones that did receive IFA funding. (I have to mention Ric, too, because he saved me, as well, during this trial, and us as a team of MALDEF. I’m glad that he is here to help us out again.)

    Even the State’s own chief witness acknowledged this gross insufficiency, stating that only 12 percent of those districts applying and qualifying for the IFA received IFA assistance. And why do these school districts need State assistance? It’s because the revenue earned from bonds is based on the local property values. For the Edgewood intervenors, their property values are at an extremely low level.

    For instance, Alamo Heights Independent School District, located just a few miles away from Edgewood ISD, has approximately 15 times the wealth per ADA as Edgewood, which means that Alamo Heights could fund bonds for approximately $75 million worth of tax effort, just seven to eight cents, while Edgewood could only be able to fund a $5 million bond at that same tax effort. Even with IFA assistance, Edgewood would still only be able to afford bonds in the amount of roughly 50 million, 33 percent less than Alamo Heights.

    This year South San Antonio ISD voters went to the time and expense of approving a bond election to meet their facilities needs. And even at only approximately 69,000 of property wealth per ADA, South San ISD did not receive IFA assistance. And now their facilities needs are put on hold. And the State’s response? “Well, EDA can cover it.” And the evidence has shown that EDA is not a viable alternative for some of those districts. They cannot make that first payment.

    And for those districts, they lose opportunities to address facilities needs. Even the State’s own witness on facilities financing admitted that risk exists in making a determination on whether to go pass the bond in hopes of receiving EDA – in hopes of. It’s not guaranteed, because if EDA is not rolled forward, the district will face much higher tax rates than they can afford.

    So what are some of these facility needs? The first one shows a portable in Edgewood ISD. This next one shows the over-crowding at PSJA, where you have 23 students in the second grade class, whereas 22 is the maximum. So they have had to go out and seek a waiver. A waiver — they have passed the maximum amount — even though they have a significantly high proportion of economically disadvantaged students in their district.

    This one is the barracks at PSJA. This is similar to the building where the migrant laborers used to live at. There are no windows, just a long corridor of walls. Now, PSJA has 130 portables in their district -– 130 — that house 11 percent of the students. More than one out of ten students in PSJA gets their education through a portable.

    The State says that Valley districts just don’t have high growth. Mr. Guadarjo of PSJA said yes, they do. As a matter of fact, this past year he has had the equivalent of a whole school, a whole campus population, go within the district and enroll.

    These are more pictures of those illustrious facilities in the Valley where PSJA invites their students to come and learn. This is the foundation of an older campus, a crumbling ceiling, decaying. Now, this right here is the hot tin roof of a PSJA ISD cafeteria, where children eat. This one right here is the natural air conditioning of the elementary gym in the Valley of PSJA.

    The poor technological infrastructure for Edgewood ISD’s alternative center. A portable for Edgewood ISD, another elementary for Edgewood ISD. And the district, Edgewood ISD, at least, certainly is not spending their money on non-instructional facilities, as you can see in this picture of their maintenance building. And this sump pump at Memorial High School in Edgewood ISD also depicts some of the facility inadequacies. These are some of the walls in Edgewood ISD.

    The Ysleta Bellaire High boiler we were talking about which shuts down. A hole in the classroom in Ysleta ISD. And these kids, when they go out to play – go in to play, stay in to play, they don’t have far to go to eat, where they run around and sweat. It’s the same facility, where they’re eating and playing. This is a sky walk with a molded AC unit at Bellaire High School in Ysleta. Here’s an inside picture. It doesn’t get much better. Here’s the foundation shifting at Eastwood in Ysleta, a drinking fountain at Ysleta. They probably need a lot of water out there in El Paso, too, especially in the dry, hot heat of summer.

    This one is at West capacity, where they have very huge problems. As the superintendent testified, the roofs leak throughout the campus. And this shows -– of course, science is required as part of the TEKS curriculum — manipulatives and science. The only problem with this science class is that the lab is missing. And here’s another problem with the leak, you can see the missing tile and the garbage can catching the leaks. Kids might slip and fall, and maybe sue the school district. And here we have another roof leak with the kids. Another roof leak in South San.

    As Dr. Earthman testified, school facility conditions affect students’ achievement and learning. The State didn’t offer any expert to dispute that. School building design features and conditions have a measurable impact on learning. For example, the deficiences
    in temperatures, acoustics and lighting have a negative impact. Over-crowding has a negative influence, especially for poor and minority students. And all of these conditions are evident in many of our representative focus districts.

    The superintendent of Monte Alto testified in his deposition as to the inadequacy of this equipment, describing his science lab on wheels as basically a cart that was rolled around from one class to another. Other superintendents testified.

    The PSJA superintendent testified, remember, Your Honor, that he had a new hire, a new teacher come into his district, ready to go. The only thing that kept her from staying and teaching these kids was one of those portable buildings. She just couldn’t teach in those types of buildings, not down there.

    The superintendent of Edgewood ISD also talked about how he had a new teacher. She was from an Ivy League. I can’t quite remember exactly where she was from. But they got an Ivy League graduate to come down there and teach and help their students. The only problem was that they don’t have the money for professional staff development, especially for the immediate new hires. And once she had a week in that school with those economically disadvantaged children, she couldn’t last, and she left just one week after signing up. And that was just a few weeks ago.

    Facilities make a difference in student achievement and lead to more opportunity to succeed, yet property poor districts are severely restricted in their efforts to build new facilities to replace the old or to address rapid growth, or to repair old facilities or build new facilities. Instead they are left with the patchwork and bandaid approach in addressing their facilities needs. South San Antonio was another one of the districts that was just a little too rich to receive IFA.

    Even though we have offered evidence that the property rich districts receive far more money than the property poor districts, we’re not offering any evidence to support an opinion on whether those districts have enough. They have more, yes, but whether or not they have enough, we don’t know. That was their case. We certainly know that for these bilingual education students and compensatory education students in those districts that they were not provided with sufficient funds to educate those students.

    * * *

    In no manner are our districts enlisting the Court to establish policies, yet even the policies, themselves, must be policed when those policies violate our Constitution. It is then the role of the Court to put a stop to those. And in our present case, this is exactly what has occurred.

    The defendants have created inequity in the system that substantially favors property rich districts over property poor districts. The defendants have arbitrarily set the weights for comp ed and bilingual ed at such low cost adjustments, effectively denying the districts the resources necessary to provide these students with an adequate education.

    The defendants have an accountability system that allows so many students to fall through the cracks that it effectively distorts the true picture of Texas. The defendants have an accountability system with a more rigorous test than ever before, with standards that low ball the education of our students, and resources that fail even to meet those low standards.

    We have a facilities financing system that is grossly inadequate and inequitable, and one that benefits the property rich districts to the nth degree, yet fails our most needy districts to provide similar tax efforts.

    Your Honor, Texas is growing rapidly in economically disadvantaged and Hispanic and LEP. Every school district superintendent that took that stand and also was deposed, every single one said that their major concern was addressing, meeting the needs of these special populations. The resources they receive to educate these students is not sufficient to provide for quality education to each and every one of those children.

    And as the State demographer, Steve Murdock, alluded to, and it was touched upon earlier in more detail, Texas will be poorer, less educated and more in need of social services and less competitive globally. Investing in our children’s education today will cost far less both economically and socially than having them fail. It is not a policy statement to invest in our children. It is what our children deserve and what our Constitution requires.

    We’re not stating that the accountability system, itself, has to change. But we’re stating whatever that accountability system might be, it is not, in and of itself — it does not encompass, in and of itself — the elements for an adequate education under our Texas Constitution.

    This is a system that as a whole the state defendants have created. It is a system that fails our Constitution, a system that is inefficient, inadequate, and unsuitable for our changing times, needs and public expectations. In no manner are our districts demanding that the system be leveled down to their current funding level in order to bring all districts into an equitable system. This would not bring access to the opportunity that our students need to achieve.

    And in no manner are our districts demanding that the recapture and equalization provisions be done away with. Our districts would lose millions and millions of dollars, and they would lose even more opportunities to provide for their children.

    Just as Lieutenant Governor William Ratliff stated when asked, “So long as the system continues to rely so heavily on local property taxes, should Robin Hood live?” His response, “Should? No. Must.” Thank you.

  • E-Mail from Eric Folkerth on Judge Garcia's Swearing In

    Thanks so much for mentioning Judge Dennise Garcia’s swearing in ceremony in your recent counterpunch story. Dennise is my wife, and I served as her campaign manager. Her investiture truly was a wonderful event, but I wanted to correct one small fact about it.

    It was Senior US District Judge Barefoot Sanders who swore in Judge Garcia, and not Judge Jerry Buckmeyer. All the other information about Judge Sanders’ career-long involvement with the desegregation case was correct. Judge Sanders oversaw both that case and performed the swearing
    in for Judge Garcia.

    Sincerely,
    Eric Folkerth

    —————————————————
    http://www.ericfolkerth.com
    South Florida Folk Festival Finalist, 2004
    Wildflower Songwriter Semifinalist, 2003
    Honorable Mention, Billboard and Great American Song Contests
    Eric’s music @ the iTunes store:
    http://www.ericfolkerth.com/itunes.htm

  • In Oscar Texas, One Down, One to Go?

    Judge Appointed to Hear Election Contest

    By Greg Moses

    Milk River Blog / CounterPunch / ILCA Online /
    IndyMedia Austin / Houston / North Texas / L.A. /
    GlobalResistanceNetwork

    Brenda Denson Prince put on her evening best and walked the red carpet with Jamie Foxx Sunday evening, but she did it at an Oscar watching party in Foxx’s hometown of Terrell, Texas. And as the world turned its attention to Foxx’s acceptance speech, Denson-Prince, for a time at least, was able to forget the battle she wages to give an acceptance speech of her own.

    “You walked up on that red carpet and thought you were in Hollywood,” recalls Denson-Prince by telephone. “It was very nice.” And when Foxx won the Oscar for best actor, “there was a standing ovation. Everyone was happy and all. And everyone was as teary-eyed as he was.”

    For the first time since election night 2004, Denson-Prince says she felt that Terrell, “was combined as a community should be. At one. United. I hadn’t felt that way in a while.”

    For Prince the past four months have been marked by feelings of dreams not quite touched, as she continues to wage a fight to become the first woman County Commissioner to represent Terrell’s corner of Kaufman County.

    Readers familiar with the story will know that on election night 2004, Denson-Prince left the central counting station with reports showing her in a comfortable lead, but by the time she got home the numbers had suddenly shifted to a tie. In a subsequent recount, she was handed a three-vote loss. The abrupt change in election-night fortunes has been explained by one technician as the result of a read-out error in the earlier reports, but Prince wants to see a full review of the evidence in court. So she filed suit in December.

    The original judge assigned to the case asked to be excused shortly after the story was first reported by the Texas Civil Rights Review. On Sunday, Terrell Tribune’s Will Irwin reported that retired judge and Dallas attorney Os Chrisman has been appointed to hear the election contest.

    Chrisman may be a retired judge, but he has not been retiring in the affairs of his state. As an alumni leader at Baylor University, he declared at a public forum in July, 2003 that alumni “aim to have a voice in this university from this day forward.” And he joined in public efforts to remove University President Robert Sloan, who this summer will be moving to the position of Chancellor.

    A simple search at the Texas Ethics Commission web site yields only one record of a campaign contribution made by Oswin Chrisman. In late October, records show that he gave $100.00 to Beth Maultsby, Republican candidate for Dallas Family District Court. The donation was small but symbolically significant, since Maultsby’s Democrat opponent Dennise Garcia went on to become ‘Dallas County’s first elected Latina judge.’

    An attendee at the swearing in of Judge Garcia reported that the event was laden with Civil Rights history:

    “There in front of me was the first Hispanic ever elected as a District Judge in Dallas County,” wrote John Danish in his report to the Irving Democratic Club. Garcia, was, “being sworn in by [senior] federal Judge [Barefoot Sanders] who presided over the desegregation case filed against the Dallas I.S.D.. Her parents, sitting in the front row, had both been spanked as children for speaking Spanish on the playground. Ms. Lupe Valdez, the newly elected sheriff of Dallas County (who also happens to be Hispanic), watched over the ceremony.”

    That is the kind of history Denson-Prince hopes to make some day. She is sounding much stronger than the hoarse whisper we first heard in late December, and when asked how she’s dealing with all of this after so many months, she answers simply, “God is Love.” It is a refrain that has sustained Southern struggle for centuries.

    Notes:

    (1) Contributions to the Brenda Denson-Prince Campaign Fund may be sent to P.O. Box 2434, Terrell, Texas 75160.

    (2) Of 650,850 votes cast in the Maultsby-Garcia race, 328,969 (50.54%) went to Garcia; 321,881 (49.45%) went to Maultsby, according to the Texas Secretary of State election results posted online.

    (3) Name of judge who presided over Judge Garcia’s swearing in was corrected on March 3, thanks to an email from a source close to Garcia.

  • Accounting for Failure in Texas Schools: Closing Argument Part Four

    In Part Four of his closing argument in behalf of Edgewood Intervenors in the 2004 Texas school funding trial, attorney David Hinojosa of the Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund (MALDEF) argues that accountability systems still allow Texas to fail children in many ways.

    Our Texas accountability system is failing our children and is resulting in further lost opportunities for our children.

    Texas has adopted the TEKS curriculum, which is more challenging, and our districts agree. Texas has adopted a recommended program as a default graduation plan for high schoolers, and our districts agree.

    Our accountability system, however, does not include the measure of many of the other elements of an adequate education, for instance, extra-curricular and co-curricular activities. The State argues that when you offer those programs, you do so at your own discretion, your own money and that such is not needed to provide a meaningful opportunity to succeed.

    The State argues that programs and activities such as Texas high school football are not needed, as well as ROTC, debate teams, UIL teams, but if districts choose to engage in these programs, they do so at the expense of providing what they claim to be an adequate education, and that these programs play no part in providing meaningful opportunities.

    Yet the undisputed testimony in this case, even by former Galena Park superintendent and now Texas Education Commissioner Neeley, was that extra-curricular and co-curricular activities build leadership, build character, team work, pride, they help reduce dropout rates for some student groups, they allow students to compete at higher levels, they provide opportunities through scholarships, opportunities to enter into certain colleges and to be competitive with other states’ students on a national level.

    Further, the evidence showed that while the accountability rating system, itself, proclaims to hold schools and district accountable for every single child in their district, the facts in this case proved otherwise.

    The State’s accountability expert agreed that if a student passes in their test scores for a given subject area test, that person is proficient in that subject. And if the student fails to get the minimum cut score for that subject area, then that person is not proficient. Their expert then agrees that campuses and districts that earn a rating of academically acceptable are providing those children with a quality education that is enabling those children to take advantage of meaningful opportunities to succeed.

    Even with 75 percent of the kids in the district failing science tests, it doesn’t matter. To the State, those districts are acceptable and are providing a quality education. And for a school district of the state to reach an academically acceptable level, only one-half of the students need to pass the minimum test scores in reading, writing, but the true story isn’t told with those passing rates. It’s with these passing rates. For instance a minimal level of student passing rates for all students in a grade level is only 25 percent for science. The school or district can actually obtain an academically
    acceptable rating with a far less passing rate.

    The example shows that if a school district last year had 25 percent of a student group that met the minimum sized requirements in its completion and dropout rate criterion, and then this year followed up with a 16 percent passage rate, nine points below standard, that district would still be deemed academically acceptable. That’s what’s acceptable to our State. That’s what they define as an adequate education.

    Required improvement wasn’t even measured in the prior accountability system, yet it exists under our current system. What does this tell us? That a district can fail to meet the bare minimum test standards, yet still be deemed academically acceptable, that a campus or a district can be ranked academically unacceptable for two years on the par level, yet be deemed academically acceptable by our state.

    The State has also added another provision that was non-existent in the prior accountability rating system, referred to as the exceptions provision. Under this feature, if the district or school has 16 or more assessment measures and is within 5 percentage points of any subgroups, that district is deemed to be academically acceptable, so they can shave 5 percent off of the minimum standards for Hispanics passing science, shave 5 percent of the African-Americans attempting to reach the 35 percent passage rate, 5 percent of economically disadvantaged subgroup passing social studies at only 45 percent, and you would still be academically acceptable in our state.

    The minimum size requirements: Even though the State purports to hold each school and district accountable for all of the students in all subjects, the minimum size requirements allow many districts to escape being held accountable. For example, if a district has 28 fourth grade African-Americans and less than 20 percent pass any subject area for that group, you will not have a rating for African-American because its doesn’t meet the minimum size requirement.

    The evidence also shows that a group must be at least 30 to 49 students, and of those 49 students, they must comprise at least 10 percent of all the students to be evaluated for campus, district and subject. For example, if you have 35 Hispanics tested in a district on a subject and you have 370 students tested in the subject area in the district, the performance of the Hispanics would be dismissed in the accountability rating system for the subgroup of Hispanics. Even though the school district such as that had only 15 percent of the 35 Hispanics meeting the standards, the district would still be rated as academically acceptable in our state of Texas.

    Mobility also affects the true story in the accountability system. There are still other students who are excluded from the accountability rating system, and there’s a list from the State’s accountability specialist. She admitted that low income and minority school children, as well as migrant school children are more mobile within a given period than other children. She admitted that all children who take the TAKS within a particular school district are not necessarily in the district’s accountability subset. They must be enrolled in the district or campus as of October 3lst, 2003, and they must take the TAKS test in the same campus or district for the 2004 test which has happened.

    So if a child moves to another district after October the 31st, and they test in another subject in another district, that child would be excluded from the accountability subset and the results would not affect the accountability rating for the district that the child left, and the same goes for the district that the child attended. And the same holds true now — which is also new under the accountability system. The same holds true now for campuses within the same districts, that even if a child moves after October 3lst of a given year and goes to another campus within the district, it’s not going to be reported. It may be reported in the district results, but not within the campus results.

    I just want to touch upon the completion rate. Within the completion rates that are set by Texas, if you graduate, you earn a GED or you continue in the fall of the next year, you’re still deemed a completer. I asked the dropout fact witness for the State, “Well, what exactly has that continuing student completed in order to be in the completion?” she basically said nothing. But yet they’re still called a completer, distorting our completion rate. GED recipients are still to this day — although they’re supposed to be phased out — are still deemed completers.

    And then speaking of the leaver code that Mr. Wood has referred to earlier, it’s true that a child can leave back to their country and if the district goes to that house and their neighbor s

    ays, “Oh, the child left back to the country. They said they needed to go back and work in the field,” or something, in the factory.

    “Are they going to school,” the district asks.

    “No, they’re not going to school.” “Okay. Then we can mark them under this leaver code.” And they’re not deemed a dropout. Even though they dropped out, they’re still not a dropout under the Texas system.

    And the completion rates are also subjected to required improvement. So you could have a district in successive years have a 55 percent completion rate and then a 70 percent completion rate, meaning that 35 percent have dropped out, because otherwise they’re deemed a leaver and they’re dropped from the cohort, you can have that many dropouts, and in our state of Texas you would still qualify to be an academically acceptable district.

    And this annual dropout rate used the grades of seven to twelve, and the State figured out, “Well, that’s probably not too accurate. Let’s go ahead and change it to completion rate,” even though that, of course, is not too accurate in and of itself. And they set new standards. And 2 percent is academically acceptable for grades seven and eight. These are kids who are at the age of 12 to 14. And 2 percent can drop out and that is okay, because that’s academically acceptable in Texas. And that is also subjected to the required improvement, so the district doesn’t necessarily have to have just only 2 percent. They can have up to 6 percent one year, 4 percent in the next several years and still be academically acceptable in Texas.

    We will have the under-reported student — those under-reported students, the districts just have no record of them. If you have more than 500 under-reported students, you might not be able to get an academically acceptable. So if you have 500 under-reported students, students who just left, you don’t have documentation for them, they’re basically lost, they’re part of the disappearing children in Texas, but districts with up to 500 under-reported students under the new regulations which are being phased in — it used to be up to a thousand.

    Now the new ones are getting tough. Now they’re saying you can only have 500 students. There’s no accountability rating system for alternative education standards at this time, so districts can place their children in those facilities and their rating will not be affected.

    There’s no accountability rating system for our LEP children at State standards, even though NCLB holds schools and districts accountable, within our own state educating our LEP population, they have no accountability rating for LEP children.

  • Readers Reply to Oscar White

    From S. Africa:

    Cant really disagree with you, but please … We white South

    Africans know our wrongs of the past. But please dont lump us in with the imperial “coalition of the

    willing”. We had nothing to do with that one!

    Cheers

    Altus

    Momberg
    Die Burger

    **********
    Affirmative action for the Oscars? You are seriously disturbed. —

    Anonymous

    **********
    An interesting column, for which I thank you.

    It was not lost on me that last week’s winning Project Manager on THE APPRENTICE, Heidi, was

    white. She was directing a team of two other whites and two blacks. Their team won, and normally, the

    whole team would enjoy a reward. But last week’s reward was a helicopter tour of Manhatten, and there

    were only three seats available.

    Guess who got to ride?

    Yours

    sincerely,
    MG Matejic

    **********
    Academy Awards

    “To Kill a

    Mockingbird” is one of my favorite movies, but like most movies about the civil rights era-think of

    “Mississippi Burning” – whites are cast the “real” heroes. Sydney Poitier “In the Heat of the

    Night,” is an exception, but Rod Steiger rather than Sydney Poitier won the

    Oscar.

    William B. Case

    **********
    Greg-

    A fine

    exploding of Oscar night on CounterPunch.org. Your geography lesson about the stars and presenters is

    priceless.

    I watched the show and was quickly disgusted with the state-sanctioned humor

    of Billy Crystal and Bob Hope, and also with Michael Moore embarrassing his supporters once more.

    Adding in the horror of Errol Morris receiving an award, it was a typical Oscar night. The only thing

    that’s left to do is read Peter Travers’ yearly postmortem on the Academy’s choices in Rolling

    Stone.

    For what it’s worth I’m a longtime Michael Moore fan who is horrified at his

    recent behavior – lashing out at Mumia, endorsing Wesley Clark.

    Cheers,
    Dave

    Patten
    Taunton, MA

    **********
    good one on counterpunch on the oscars,

    white bread and mayonaisse. Of course, black folk in this country, even those who call themselves

    African, still consider themselves American first and foremost, no matter how bad they may be treated.

    And their leadership wether it be political or cultural has long lost their base in the black

    institutions that integration was
    meant to destroy.

    Once upon a time black folk

    controlled what how their children were educated, the stores they shopped in, the very institutions

    that were critical to their lives. Today, what do black folk control outside of their churches?

    Wouldnt you agree integration was the most effective tool to destroy black

    institutions? As for the oscars, what has really changed?

    Thomas C. Mountain

    **********
    Note: In the article “Oscar White?”, I tried to convey a complex

    response to the Oscar telecast that appreciated the individual talent displayed, including Billy

    Crystal, but critiqued the group dynamic. And that is how I undestand the logic of affirmative

    action.

    Affirmative action pays special attention to the collective patterns of

    behavior, how the group acts as a group.

    To the brief note that claims I am “seriously

    disturbed” I offer a brief counter suggestion. Why can’t the Oscars be more like the Grammys? Like

    the Grammys, perhaps the Oscars could include market categories that would help diversify the talent?

    There was one email that I have permission to post, but which I have decided not to.

    As the editor of an anti-racist site, I am tempted to display comments that I consider racist, in order

    to show the contours of the problem. But rather than post the raw language, I will summarize and

    discuss the point of view.

    The email in question alleges that black actors deserve no

    respect because they only portray characters that are either too shocking or too submissive. The

    writer wants to see role model characters that work hard and DO NOT try to be

    African.

    The email, like some others I have received, also conveys an impression that I

    am not white.

    Well, it is interesting that the writer does not complain about white

    actors who win awards for playing characters who are shocking and quite non-American. “Monster”

    presents a dramatically shocking character, for example. Not a role model.

    “Monster”

    also says something about the meaning of shocking, because in today’s cultural environment, white

    violence always counts as less shocking than black sexuality. Janet Jackson and her brother pay a

    heavy price for being “too shocking” in their sexuality. Meanwhile, you can make your own list of

    networked images of violence that will count as family entertainment.

    As for the

    argument that hard-working role models are needed, eleven Oscars went to a film that did not demand

    simple conformity to a middle-class lifestyle. Characters could be Hobbits, Elves, or Trolls. They

    did not have to “try” to be hard-working Americans in order to qualify for record-breaking awards.

    So the email expresses a double standard that demands from Black actors a certain

    conforminty that is not expected from white actors.

    The writer goes on to say that

    Japanese Americans provide a better model. Again, the argument is representative of certain racist

    trends. The writer perceives Japanese American as more “assimilationist” and therefore more

    acceptable. But the argument has at least two flaws.

    First, my complaint was about a

    lack of divesity at the academy awards. If Japanese Americans were indeed more acceptable to white

    audiences, for the reasons alleged, then why are there no prominent stars to prove it?

    Second, the writer is really calling for diversity that is not diverse. By presenting a thoroughly

    assimilationist demand, the writer exemplifies the problem with Oscar White–how it does not

    sufficiently challenge assimilationist attitudes.

    Integration of opportunity should not

    carry the pre-requisite of cultural assimiliation. In fact, the whole “Diversity” rationale for

    affirmative action presumes that we can learn a lot from each other.

    And please do not

    assume that I am not white. If you want to backlash on my opinions, please don’t drag other folks

    into your circle of attack.

    Finally, I can sympathize with folks who are disappointed at

    Michael Moore’s fling with real-politik (and his ethno-centrism) but on Oscar night he was trampled by

    an Elephant! Do we have to paint a picture?