Category: Higher Education

  • ¿Que vamos hacer ahora? A&M Hispanic Network Address

    VERSION 17,
    Texas A&M Hispanic Network’s Response
    by

    Colonel (retired) Robert F. Gonzales
    Class 1968
    April 22,

    2004

    ____________

    Note: This important document (see “read

    more” below) is posted despite the objections of the author, who requested that it not be displayed

    beyond “the Aggie family.” I have taken some time to consider the author’s request. In the end,

    with great respect for the author and the Texas A&M Hispanic Network, I have decided to post the

    document for public viewing. Texas A&M University does not belong to the Aggie family. It is a

    publicly funded university and its policies are a matter of public concern. While I respect the

    general rule to “not talk out of school” regarding matters that are more properly discretionary, the

    subject of the following address concerns a widely publicized matter of public policy, and the remarks

    were delivered before a large crowd that included reporters (see links below). While I regret the

    author’s decision to not grant his permission, I have concluded that, as a matter of information

    ethics, that the document should be part of the public record. Furthermore, I hope that over time, the

    author and others will come to respect the principles and criteria upon which I have based my decision.

    While reluctance to share this document is understandable from an “Aggie family” point of view, in

    the end I think larger considerations prevail. It is quite a remarkable

    speech.

    Respectfully,
    Greg Moses
    Editor
    Class of ’81

    ____________
    VERSION 17
    Texas A&M Hispanic Network’s Response
    by

    Colonel (retired) Robert F. Gonzales
    Class 1968
    April 22, 2004

    Howdy!

    En la vida, es importante estar presente. In life, it is important to show up. Thank you for

    taking the time from your very busy schedules to show up today.
    I have been asked to give the Texas

    A&M Hispanic Network response to the addresses given this morning by President Gates and Doctor

    Anderson. I am privileged to be your spokesperson.

    Whoever stood here representing

    the Network probably would feel like the ham in a ham sandwich, feeling divided loyalties between the

    school we love so much and whose policies we want to support, and the direction our school has chosen

    not to take concerning the future of our heritage at this school. With this dichotomy in mind, and

    understanding that at times I will use the words “race” and “ethnicity” interchangeably, let me

    continue with what needs to be said.

    Before I deliver my prepared remarks, I think I

    first must respond to something that I did not anticipate I would hear this morning. President Gates

    read e-mails for three young Hispanic A&M graduates who support his position not to consider race in

    Texas A&M’s admissions policy. Their primary concern is the unfavorable perception other students

    would have of Hispanics whose ethnicity was taken into consideration for admissions into A&M. Although

    their views are valid and should be heard, there’s another side to this coin and I need to state it in

    order to give balance to this matter. I will do so using my own personal

    experience.

    While I was a student at A&M, I became active in student activities at the

    Memorial Student Center. Mr. J. Wayne Stark was the Director of the MSC and he was the first person

    who put the idea of becoming a lawyer into my head. I pursued this course and decided I wanted to

    attend the University of Texas Law School. I took the LSAT, but I did not do very well. Consequently,

    in addition to the University of Texas, I applied to three other law schools in the State. Before

    graduation day, I received letters of acceptance to the other three law schools, but I had not heard

    from the University of Texas. I drove to Austin to find out the status of my application. The lady in

    the Admissions Office confirmed my LSAT score had prevented me from being automatically accepted, but

    my name was on the waiting list. She explained there was still a chance I could be accepted, but I

    would have to wait a few more weeks until they heard back from all of the automatic-admits on whether

    they planned to enroll or not, to see how many seats would remain unfilled and thus available to those

    of us on the waiting list. Then she told me the law school was starting a new affirmative action

    program and, because I was a Mexican-American, I may have a better chance than others on the waiting

    list for any available seats.

    I explained what I had been told to my parents and two of

    my uncles from the Classes of ’41 and ’50. Should I accept an offer from one of the three law schools

    based on “merit” or should I wait on T.U. and possibly get admitted under its affirmative action

    program. One of my uncles asked me, “Do you have any idea how many Mexicans are students at T.U.’s law

    school?” I had no idea. He speculated there were less than ten. Then he said, “T.U. is the best law

    school in the State. I don’t care if you get in the front door, the side door, or the backdoor. If

    T.U. accepts you, you go there!” I received my acceptance letter to T.U. a couple of weeks later and I

    enrolled in September 1968 along with twelve other Hispanics in a class of 450.

    I

    wondered whether I had been admitted as an alternate on “merit” or under affirmative action, so I

    stopped by the Admissions Office one day to ask. I saw a different lady than the one I had seen before

    and she responding by giving me this advice, “Don’t worry about how you got in. You need to

    concentrate on staying in and graduating.”

    Only one student ever asked me how I got into

    law school. His name was John and John was Anglo. Therefore, we can assume that John got into law

    school solely on “merit.” When I returned for my second year of law school, John was not around. When

    I asked what happened to John, I was told, “John flunked out!”

    If I got into law

    school under affirmative action, I soon learned that none of the professors had an affirmative action

    policy when he came to passing out grades and Dean Page Keeton surely did not have an affirmative

    action policy when he passed out diplomas.

    I have practiced law for thirty-three years

    and during that time I have been asked frequently, “What law school did you graduate from?” Nobody has

    ever asked, “How did you get into law school?”
    I have made my income based on my law degree from

    T.U. When I mail in checks to the University of Texas Law School Foundation, and the Texas A&M

    University Foundation, and the Association of Former Students, and the 12th man Foundation, none of

    them ask, “How did you get into law school?” What’s important to them is that I graduated and that I’m

    sending them a check every year. . . . and they ask if I can send more.

    This is my

    adlib response to those three e-mails. Now, let me move on to my prepared response.

    President Gates, distinguished members of the Texas legislature, Vice-President

    Anderson, members of the faculty and administration, members of the Texas A&M Hispanic Network,

    students, former students, and friends.

    Texas A&M is a State public university, yet it

    does not reflect the face of the State of Texas. There is a racial and ethnic imbalance on the campus

    at Texas A&M!

    Earlier this morning, we heard President Gates say that although he

    is determined to correct this imbalance, he has decided not to use the race or ethnicity of an

    applicant as a factor in the admissions process in order to achieve greater diversity at A&M. Instead,

    he believes it is in the best interest of A&M to continue a policy based solely on each applicant’s

    p
    ersonal merit, meaning personal achievement, merit, and leadership potential.

    Before

    I give the Texas A&M Hispanic Network’s official positio
    n to this decision, I need to take us back to

    March 18, 1996. This was the day the United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit decided the

    case of Cheryl Hopwood v. the University of Texas Law School. This panel said that any consideration

    of race in order to achieve a diversified student body at a public university was not a “compelling

    governmental interest” under the Fourteenth Amendment and, therefore, any attempt by a public

    university to do so was unconstitutional. This meant that the University of Texas Law School had to

    stop considering race, and in the future neither it nor any other public university in Louisiana,

    Mississippi, and Texas could consider the race of an applicant as a factor in its admissions

    policy.

    As a result, the number of Hispanic students enrolling as freshman at A&M went

    down from 714 before Hopwood to 607 in 1997 and further down to 570 in 1999. A&M has never recovered,

    even with the help of the 10% law. A&M has been unable to enroll 700 or more Hispanic freshman in any

    given year since Hopwood.

    Eighteen months after Hopwood in October 1997, A&M President

    Ray Bowen proposed that A&M strive to be recognized as one of the top ten public universities in the

    United States by the year 2020. A task force of 260 prominent Aggies and friends of A&M from both on

    and off campus, including our own Hector Gutierrez and Pedro Aguirre, surveyed where A&M stood and what

    it needed to do to achieve this lofty goal. This was the foundation for Vision 2020, our road map into

    the future. Hundreds of ideas were suggested, discussed, and debated, and when the dust finally

    cleared, the group submitted twelve of them to President Bowen. They called these twelve ideas

    “Imperatives.”

    We cannot help but believe that the Vision 2020 task force of

    outstanding individuals each in their own right was completely aware, fully-informed, and cognizant of

    the Hopwood decision and the immediate impact it was having on minority enrollment at institutions of

    higher learning in the 5th Circuit. Having seen the adverse effects that Hopwood had at A&M in the

    fall terms of 1997 and 1998, Vision 2020 deliberately made “Diversity” one of its twelve imperatives,

    specifically Imperative #6. In so doing, it stated that “Texas A&M University must attract and nurture

    a more ethnically, culturally, and geographically diverse faculty, staff, and student body.” Further,

    it went on to say, “affording educational opportunity to all racial and ethnic groups is critical to

    the future of Texas.”

    The task force then established a fair and reasonable target

    that A&M should reach for, in order to achieve meaningful student diversity. That goal was to attain

    in each freshman class the same percentage of minority Texas high school graduates who were college-

    bound, which for Hispanic students was approximately 29%. So, we can plainly see that three years

    after Hopwood said that achieving student diversity in a public university was not a “compelling

    governmental interest,” our own internal group of Aggies and friends of A&M said that achieving an

    equitable level of student diversity at A&M was an “Imperative.”

    If you look up the

    word “imperative” in Webster’s dictionary, it will tell you it means “urgent, absolutely necessary, and

    compelling!” Imperative #6 of Vision 2020 was a resounding call for educational opportunity for all

    minorities in the State of Texas, and it, in essence, rejected Hopwood as the way to do business at

    A&M.

    On May 28, 1999, the Board of Regents of Texas A&M, which included our own Dionel

    E. Aviles, approved all twelve Imperatives of Vision 2020 and in its Approval Resolution charged all

    future Regents, Chancellors, Presidents, administration, faculty, staff, students, and former students

    to make a personal commitment to its success.

    In so doing, our Board of Regents also

    implicitly rejected the holding of Hopwood.
    Then, on August 1, 2002, we welcomed Dr. Gates as the

    22nd President of Texas A&M University. In his State of the University Convocation Address on October

    3, 2002, President Gates stated, in part, “My highest priority is to make significant progress toward

    achieving the imperatives of Vision 2020.” After consultations throughout the A&M campus community, at

    the beginning of 2003, President Gates followed up his October address with an announcement that four

    of the twelve imperatives would receive priority over the next several years and one of those four

    imperatives was Imperative #6 on Diversity.

    Four months later, I was sitting in the

    dinner audience of the 50th Class Reunion of the Class of 1953, my father’s class. This was exactly

    one year ago this week. Dr. Gates was the guest speaker, and it was my first time to hear him. That

    evening he confronted the issue of diversity in the open as no other president at A&M had done before

    by saying, “in a State where minorities will soon be the majority . . . . it is simply unacceptable for

    Texas A&M’s student body to be 85% white and for our faculty to be 85% white and male.”

    However, he did not specifically explain how he was going to improve diversity at A&M.

    Keep in mind that for over three years prior to Dr. Gates assuming the position of President, Hispanics

    and other minorities had been waiting for A&M to present a concrete plan on how it was going to

    implement Imperative #6 and how minority former students like you and me could assist and support this

    plan. I immediately wondered what Dr. Gates was going to do to bring about a real change on campus,

    especially when Hopwood was still the law of the land.

    Because Dr. Gates had also spoken

    about the need for groups composed of former students of various ethnicities to form a partnership with

    A&M on diversity efforts, a group of approximately fifty Hispanic Aggies met in San Antonio on May 31,

    2003, to form the Texas A&M Hispanic Network. We discussed what we could do to ensure A&M was the best

    model in the State and Nation to educate and develop Hispanic leaders of the future. We were told that

    A&M’s student body was only 8% Hispanic and we all agreed to assist A&M to improve this percentage in

    increments of two to three percent each year, until the percentage roughly reflected the proportion of

    Hispanics in the population of Texas, which is currently 33%. We were very ambitious, optimistic, and

    motivated, because Dr. Gates had energized us to face this daunting task with him.

    Then, the Supreme Court spoke on this matter on June 23, 2003 in the two University of Michigan

    cases of Barbara Grutter v. Lee Bollinger that involved the admissions policy at its law school and

    Jennifer Gratz v. Lee Bollinger that involved the admissions policy at its College of Literature,

    Science, and Arts. And what did the Court say? On the first issue of whether student diversity at a

    public university is a “compelling governmental interest” or not, six of the nine justices said it was.

    When the Supreme Court said this, not only did it overrule Hopwood, it also completely validated the

    foresight, wisdom, and efforts of the Vision 2020 Task Force, our Board of Regents, and Dr. Gates.

    I need to pause here for a moment to quickly give you an appreciation for the

    significance and magnitude of a Supreme Court decision that identifies a governmental purpose as

    “compelling” instead of important, legitimate, or substantial. The Supreme Court reserves this term

    for only those governmental interests of the absolute very highest order. Essentially, before any

    level of the government can discriminate on the basis of race or before it can place a restriction on a

    fundamental Constitutional right, the government needs to show the Court that it ha
    s a very strong and

    good reason to do so. How many times, since 1942 when the Supreme Court started to develop the concept

    of “compelling gov
    ernmental interest,” has a governmental entity been able to convince the Supreme

    Court that its purpose was “compelling?” Would you believe less than twenty times? Thus, student

    diversity in a public university is on the same “compelling governmental interest” footing as

    prohibiting child pornography, maintaining the Social Security system, preserving the integrity of the

    electoral process, and protecting our national security. Do you understand better now what the Supreme

    Court is saying to us?

    On the critical issue of whether race can be considered as a

    factor in a university’s admissions policy in order to improve student diversity, again, six justices

    said yes, so long as race is used as a small factor among several admissions factors, in the context of

    a highly individual and holistic review of each applicant’s file.

    The Court did not

    say a public university must consider race in order to achieve student diversity; instead, it said

    public universities have the option to do so. Whether to exercise this option or not, the Texas A&M

    Hispanic Network and the University each believe they are on solid ground, however, we are not on

    common ground.

    Although this is a very serious matter, I would like to

    compare the Supreme Court’s decision and our situation at A&M to the sport of football. Initially in

    the late 1800’s, the ball was advanced by running the ball and you won games by running the ball

    effectively. Then, in 1906, the National Rules Committee made the forward pass legal. This change in

    the rules did not make passing the ball mandatory; it simply gave colleges the option to use the pass

    in order to win. Some schools incorporated the forward pass into its offense, while others continued

    to reply on a running game.

    A&M has been using a running game when it comes to diversity

    and it has resulted in a very unimpressive “winning” percentage. In terms of diversity that percentage

    is 85% white and 15% minorities. The University wants to improve on the 15%, but it has decided not to

    use race as a factor in admissions; it has decided to stick with the running game and not incorporate

    the forward pass.

    Dr. Gates is the coach of the team, and he is OUR coach. We are his

    assistant coaches. We think we can win more games if we incorporate the forward pass into our offense.

    We think we can improve student diversity at A&M by using race in the “review” category of admissions.

    Absent race, what admissions factors will be considered under the University’s plan in

    the “review” category besides the applicant’s SAT score and class academic ranking? If you take the

    admissions factors published in the latest undergraduate catalog, they would include the following

    diverse characteristics: parental education level, extracurricular activities, leadership potential,

    community service, special talents and awards, work experience, academic association with A&M, and

    extenuating circumstances, meaning personal hardships the student had to overcome.

    Additionally, the University will require all applicants to submit two essays, one that asks

    applicants to “describe a significant setback, challenge, or opportunity in your life and the impact it

    has had on you,” and the second one that asks “how will your individual characteristics lead you to

    make a contribution to the A&M campus?”

    The interesting thing about the University’s

    plan is that, arguably, four of the eight admissions factors and both essay topics can have a certain

    degree of correlation to race or ethnicity, depending on the contents of the application and who is

    evaluating the file. The University apparently believes that the consideration of these eight factors

    and two essays will produce the desired increase in the number of Hispanic applicants who enroll at A&M

    each year.

    The Texas A&M Hispanic Network believes that whether we consider race or

    not is a direct reflection on a university’s level of commitment to welcome minorities to its campus

    and to realize the educational benefits that can be derived from an ethically diverse student body. We

    both want to achieve the same thing; we simply have a difference of opinion on how to do it. Coach

    Gates says we can win with a new and improved running game. We say we need to incorporate the forward

    pass, and if we do, we will win more games and we will improve our season record more immediately.

    Therefore, please understand that our official Network position is that we

    respectfully and deeply do not agree with or endorse that part of the decision that excludes the

    consideration of race as a modest factor in A&M’s admissions policy. We simply cannot rely on an

    improved running game and expect better and immediate results.

    Bueno, ¿Que vamos

    hacer ahora? Okay, what do we do now?

    We discussed several options and all of them were

    grounded on two principles. First, and foremost, we are all family. We all wear the ring with thirty

    -three stars and our class year on it. Secondly, we are not going to walk away from our school on this

    issue. Despite our disagreement, we will always have a partnership with A&M and we will always have

    work to do. Of course, our strong preference is to incorporate the forward pass; to use race as a

    modest factor in the admissions process, and we will continue to advocate and articulate this position.

    We want what’s best for A&M too, and that is to achieve Vision 2020’s Imperative #6 as

    soon as possible, by all means possible. If the educational benefits derived from a diverse student

    body are truly a national “compelling governmental interest” and a Texas A&M University Imperative,

    then we have an obligation and responsibility to use every legal means and any persuasive argument at

    our disposal to make it happen! By stating our position, that’s what we have attempted to do

    today.

    If we are not going to use the forward pass, then we would like to express one

    Hope and one Strategy. This is our Hope. If we do not see our record improve after one season, it is

    our deep and sincere Hope that the University will seriously consider using the forward pass, using

    race as a modest admissions factor. Specifically, this would be at the end of fall semester, 2006.

    Any coach should be held accountable for the direction he has chosen to take or not to

    take his team. And on this point we are proud of Dr. Gates, because he has publicly stated that he

    wants to be held accountable. We believe the test that should be applied, and we think this is a fair

    one, is whether the percentage of diversity within A&M’s student body has improved to the same extent

    as that at the University of Texas, because we know that the other flagship university in this State is

    going to incorporate the forward pass into its offense; they are going to use race as a factor in their

    admissions policy.

    As Dr. Gates explained this morning, the University’s new plan

    includes some significant changes in its admissions policy. We are encouraged that factors which can

    reflect the ethnicity and racial makeup of the applicant pool will be considered in the “review”

    category. We are pleased that aggressive outreach programs will be implemented in an attempt to get

    more minorities to apply and then, once accepted, to enroll. Finally, and perhaps most importantly, we

    are very satisfied that new and substantial scholarships and financial assistance will be offered to

    those in need.

    It all sounds great, but we are also aware that this approach is very

    similar to the one taken by the University of Michigan, and their efforts never, never yielded the

    desired “critical mass” of minority students until it started to consider race
    as a factor. But there

    was one thing the University of Michigan did not have that Dr. Gates does. Dr. Gates, take a
    look

    around you. You have us and our Network! And that’s the other reason why we are here

    today.

    You have given us time to voice our concerns, and we have done so. Now, it is

    time to follow one Strategy and that is to work together as partners and as a family to build for the

    future. This afternoon, the breakout sessions will be an opportunity for us to continue our dialogue

    with our University. How can we improve communications between the administration, staff, and faculty

    with the Network? What training do we need from A&M in order to be effective individual recruiters for

    A&M? What campus life and leadership opportunities do we need to make A&M a more welcome place for

    Hispanics? Your active participation in these discussions is very important to us.

    Finally, what’s the bottom line? Dr. Gates stated the bottom line a year ago. “In a

    State where minorities will soon be the majority . . . . it is simply unacceptable for Texas A&M’s

    student body to be 85% white.” We should not, cannot, and must not be satisfied with a single digit

    percentage of Hispanics in the student body at A&M. We all need to work together to achieve the goals

    outlined in Imperative #6 of Vision 2020.

    Some day there is going to be a Hispanic

    governor of Texas. Some day there is going to be a Hispanic United States Senator from Texas. And

    someday there may even be a Hispanic President of these United States. I want them to be wearing the

    same ring we’re wearing.

    Dr. Gates cannot make this happen by himself, Hector

    Gutierrez cannot make it happen by himself, and we as a Network cannot make this happen by ourselves,

    either. Building for the Future “together” needs to be our watchword. Coming together as we did in

    San Antonio last May was a beginning; staying together as we will do all day today is progress; y

    trabajando juntos por todo en el futuro nos asegura buen exito, and working together in the future will

    bring us success!

    Thank you and Gig’em.
    More

    resources on the Hispanic Network Summit

    PDF Agenda posted at TAMU

    website

    The Batt: Hispanic Summit Praises

    The Eagle: Group Asks

    Gates

    Aggie Daily: Gates

    Highlights

  • TheBatt: Diversity Rally Draws Hundreds

    ‘Defeat ignorance, support diversity’
    Hundreds of students, faculty and

    staff
    attend rally to promote diversity
    By Anthony Woolstrum
    Published: Thursday,

    February 19, 2004
    —–Caption—–
    Michael Jackson (left), class of 1988, and Thomas

    Spellman, class of 1986, hold hands in front of the Academic Building in support of the march Wednesday

    afternoon. The march through campus was organized by the members of the Faculty Committed to an

    Inclusive Campus and included a rally at Rudder Fountain. (Photo by John C. Livas / The

    Battalion) “Aggies are diverse; we are diverse.”

    This statement and others were

    chanted Wednesday afternoon as hundreds of Texas A&M faculty, staff, students and members of the Bryan

    -College Station community gathered for a rally sponsored by the Faculty Committed to an Inclusive

    Campus (FCIC) to promote diversity on campus.

    “We have to make sure that we represent

    Texas A&M to the outside community the way we want to be represented,” said James Anderson, vice

    president for diversity.

  • Archive: Feb. 2004 Cover Story

    Feb. 2004

    “We Don’t Want to Integrate!”

    That was the outcry

    made by 4,000 students in 1963 when Texas A&M President, General Earl Rudder, convened a campus forum

    to discuss plans to admit women. According to the Brazos Genealogical Society online, “Rudder’s

    concluding remarks are drowned out by a chorus of boos.”
    Even today at the College Station

    campus, if 4,000 people are shouting together about something, it will not be a good day for

    diversity.

    How do we approach these persistent and discouraging dynamics? During Black

    History Month, we are going to try to keep our scholarly wits. There are crucial questions to

    answer.

    For instance, we have yet to locate a document that supports the Texas A&M

    announcement to extend the vestiges of Hopwood. We tried looking in the Regents’ agenda packet, but

    there was absolutely no mention of race or affirmative action there.

    Where is the

    documentary trail that leads to the decision to uphold the vestiges of Hopwood and why was it made? It

    is remarkable that the Regents didn’t put a single word in writing.

    Professor Marco

    Portales reports that A&M President Robert Gates met with “minority” faculty on Dec. 18, two weeks

    after the announcement was made. So who did he meet with before?

    As we continue to

    collect materials and to think about the possibilities of winning a civil rights victory, we cannot

    forget that we live in a state rich with civil rights intelligence. James Farmer, Sr., taught at Sam

    Huston College in Austin (now Huston-Tillotson) and Wiley College in Marshall. He raised up a son,

    alright, who was not a Young Conservative.

    And speaking of Wiley College, we marvel at

    the golden age of scholars who would today still be considered heroic for their intellectual

    courage.

    Oliver Cromwell Cox, for instance, who taught at Wiley College, wrote a durable

    analysis of Caste, Class, and Race. For him, the anti-integration fervor of young people was not to be

    explained by any innate tendencies to wickedness. These attitudes have to be cultivated. And behind

    that cultivation, Cox looked for interests served.

    So how do we understand the

    conditions that cultivate such dreadful images as jungle parties, affirmative action bake sales, and

    open protests against the arrival of a Vice President for Diversity?

    As we continue to

    sift for documentary evidence, we will also continue to read our Black History and reflect on the Texas

    struggles that have brought us this far.

    And we will not apologize for following quite a

    different path of scholarship than what is being pursued by Young Conservatives these days, who are the

    intellectual heirs of a staunch tradition to be sure. In the end, will the elite leaders of the state

    do what Cox predicted they would do–cultivate neo-fascist youth–or will they stand up to the boos?

    Mark your calendars for March 11, when the Univ. of Texas Regents have scheduled a

    special meeting during Spring Break whose agenda has yet to be announced.

    Greg

    Moses
    Site Editor

  • Portales Statement favoring Grutter, Dec. 18, 2003

    English Professor Marco Portales, who was active in the Faculty Senate

    debates, read the following statement to Texas A&M University Presdient Robert Gates on Dec. 18, 2003

    during an audience with “minority faculty”. Portales was not aware that the president’s own

    taskforce on admissions had recommended affirmative action on Aug. 29, 2003. December 18, 2003

    Why Texas A&M Should Accept the Grutter Supreme Court Decision

    On June

    23, 2003, the U.S. Supreme Court allowed the use of race in college admissions policies in a Michigan

    case precisely to help universities like Texas A&M recruit more minority students. Like the University

    of Michigan and other top-ranked campuses, Texas A&M has been struggling for more than 20 years to

    attract more qualified minority students. Today minorities comprise nearly 50% of the population of

    Texas (33% Latinos, 12.8% African Americans, and 3.5% Asian American) and demographers predict

    continued growth. Despite this phenomenal growth among minorities, Texas A&M only has an 8% Latino and

    a 3% African American student population.

    The Grutter verdict surprised many

    people who continue to believe in a color-blind, race neutral society. The legal decision surprised

    people because instead of embracing the color-blind Hopwood 5th Circuit Court of Appeals 1996 opinion,

    the Supreme Court reasserted the 1978 Bakke decision. Bakke had allowed the use of race in college

    admissions in that University of California/Davis case.

    For this reason, Texas A&M’s

    recent decision not to take advantage of the Grutter allowance is contrary to the Court’s intention.

    That intention effectively nullified Hopwood, which legally prevented college admissions officials from

    admitting more minority students. What universities have discovered over the years is that when race

    cannot be weighed as a plus factor, it is nearly impossible to admit qualified minorities. Select

    college admissions policies are designed to admit students with the best K- 12 educations and since

    most minorities do not have access to the best schools or long-term financial support and parental

    guidance, securing a first-rate K-12 education is extremely difficult for most minority

    youngsters.

    Hopwood (1996-2003) required color-blind, race neutral college admissions

    criteria that Grutter now supersedes. This statement means that public universities such as Texas A&M

    are expected to take advantage of Grutter, just as Rice and the University of Texas have done. As the

    state’s public land-grant institution, Texas A&M cannot and ought not to be out of step with the legal

    parameters that Grutter now affords.

    Texas A&M’s new admissions policy, however,

    embraces Hopwood’s color-blind criteria because our administration believes that including race in

    admissions stigmatizes minority students. But the Faculty Committed to an Inclusive Campus believe that

    qualified minority students admitted to Texas A&M would not be stigmatized if the university were to

    undertake a campaign to explain to the general public the stringent criteria that each student admitted

    has to meet.

    Since the criteria that determine whether an applicant is admitted have not

    been sufficiently promulgated to dispel “race-based” language and thinking, I call upon the campus

    administration:

    (1) to embrace race in its admissions policy, as the Supreme Court

    provides in Grutter; and,

    (2) to spell out admissions criteria so that the general

    public can learn just how competitive students must be to enter Texas A&M. No one is admitted only

    because of race, as some people may think.

    Finally, I respectfully request that race be

    included in admissions so that we can facilitate inviting, accepting and enrolling more minority

    students at Texas A&M. Otherwise, it will be difficult.

    Marco Portales
    Professor

    of English
    Texas A&M University
    College Station, Texas 77843-4227
    (979) 845-

    8305
    mportales@tamu.edu

  • A&M Buries Taskforce Findings

    Texas A&M President Buries
    Summer Taskforce Findings:

    Specially

    Appointed Committee
    Makes ‘Strong’ Recommendations
    For Race in Admissions, but

    Gates Dismisses “Diversity Domain”
    And Fails to Release Findings
    for Public

    Discussion

    By Greg Moses
    Texas Civil Rights

    Review
    https://texascivilrightsreview.org/phpnuke

    Three months before Texas A&M

    University President
    Robert Gates announced his decision to exclude
    consideration of race in

    admissions, his own specially
    appointed taskforce strongly recommended that race
    should be

    included. According to documents recently divulged in an open
    records request, the president’s

    taskforce on Aug. 29,
    2003, recommended a “three domain” analysis for
    admissions: “These domains

    consider potential for the
    individual’s success in academics, leadership and
    citizenship, and

    commitment to diversity.”

    Gates adopted the first two domains, “academics,
    leadership

    and citizenship,” but he overruled his own
    taskforce on the question of “commitment

    to
    diversity.” It is not yet clear who else besides the
    president was given an opportunity to

    review and
    discuss the taskforce report. Findings of the report
    are not mentioned in materials

    provided to Regents, in minutes of the Faculty Senate, or in discussions
    reported in the student

    newspaper.

    “I valued the recommendations of the task force
    appointed to consider

    revising admissions and related
    policies,” said Gates Monday in an email statement
    solicited for

    this story. “There was open and
    prolonged debate about the explicit use of race as a
    factor in

    admissions, and I carefully weighed all of
    them. After much thought, I decided that, for

    Texas
    A&M University, diversity would be best accomplished
    by basing admissions decisions on

    individual qualities
    — potential and merit — while accompanying such
    assessments with an

    aggressive outreach effort to
    attract more minority students.”

    Findings of the report

    remained undisclosed and out of
    reach from public debate after Gates publicly promised to expand the

    university’s diversity policies
    following the Supreme Court’s Grutter ruling, which
    vindicated

    affirmative action in June, 2003.

    Gates set the tone of public expectations on June

    27,
    for example, when he posted a statement on the
    internet that promised to explore

    “additional
    opportunities” made available by Grutter. In the June
    statement he calls attention

    to the fact that, “I made
    greater diversity one of the top four priorities on
    which we would

    focus our efforts during my time as
    president.”

    “Texas A&M University was the first

    university in the
    state to appoint a cabinet-level official responsible
    for increasing

    diversity,” said Gates in his email
    statement Monday. “Also, to the best of my knowledge, Texas A&M

    is the only university in the state subsequent to the Michigan decision to adopt new admissions

    requirements that create more opportunities for minorities. Be assured that I strongly believe that we

    are doing just that — creating more opportunities for minorities.”

    As one faculty

    source reported via email, “many of us
    here THOUGHT the President was going to use race

    in
    admissions because his positions until that moment
    (December) indicated he was leaning in

    that
    direction.” Professor of Sociology Eduardo
    Bonilla-Silva says that many “minority” faculty

    did
    not find out about the taskforce report until after
    the Regents announced the so-called race

    -neutral
    policy in December.

    Another faculty source who was active in the

    Faculty
    Senate debate said he is still not aware of the
    taskforce findings.

    “President Gates met with concerned minority and
    majority faculty AFTER he made his decision,

    a
    strategy that suggests he was not too concerned about having us on board,” writes Prof. Bonilla-

    Silva. “Had he thought we were central to his diversity efforts, we would have been consulted in some

    way.”

    A cover memo to Gates from the taskforce chair clearly shows that, during the

    summer of 2003, Gates had already formulated a position in opposition to
    affirmative action. “Had

    we suspected that, we would
    have been on the offensive from August onward!” writes Prof. Bonilla-

    Silva.

    The Aug. 29 cover memo to Gates, written by taskforce chair, Associate Provost

    and Dean of Faculties Karan Watson, says, “the taskforce is well aware of your concerns that the root

    problems concerning low diversity at Texas A&M University lie in the areas of ‘who applies’ and ‘who

    accepts admissions’ to a greater extent than any problem created by our current decision process for

    admission.” Watson’s cover memo, however, “strongly” recommends adoption of diversity-based

    admissions.

    “Even if our decision process before was not the
    greater problem, and

    with full acknowledgment that any change at this point in the process may be something of a lightning

    rod for strong criticism and
    mis-characterization, changing nothing is also a
    negative message to

    many of the people with whom we need to communicate our true intent and nature as a University,” wrote

    Watson.

    The taskforce also recommended secondary consideration
    of legacy status as

    part of a “University Mission
    Factor.” Gates abolished consideration of legacy
    status in

    January, after Texas officials and civil
    rights organizations criticized the university

    for
    considering legacy without race. The taskforce report
    demonstrates that race and legacy

    policies were both
    presented to the president before the Fall term began.

    In the body

    of the report, the taskforce spends a full
    page of single-space type citing existing

    statements
    and commitments to diversity already adopted by the
    university, including “Imperative

    Six: Diversify and
    Globalize the A&M Community” from the “Vision 2020”
    strategic plan assembled

    by the campus community.

    In the language of the taskforce report, the

    diversity
    domain in admissions would look for, “Students who
    have demonstrated a commitment to

    the broader
    understanding, deeper respect and stronger cooperation
    among diverse cultures, and

    individuals, or will help
    our educational environment in developing these
    commitments.”

    The diversity domain would be evaluated in two
    “dimensions.” First, a student’s

    experiences and
    commitments, including veteran status, living abroad,
    second-language

    proficiency, or migrant status.
    Second, a student’s capabilities and characteristics,
    including

    visible minorities such as, “American
    Indian, Alaskan Native, African-American, Black,

    Asian
    American, Pacific Islander, Hispanic, religious
    commitment that is reflected in dress,

    visible
    disability, men in historically female disciplines,
    women in historically male

    disciplines, and visible
    international applicants.” In each dimension
    applicants would be rated

    on a scale from Above
    Average to Weak.

    The taskforce document argues that the

    inclusion of
    visibly diverse students would help other students,
    “learn to avoid stereotyping.”

    “Currently,” says the taskforce report, “the groups
    listed above often report the

    sense that they are
    treated differently, often in demeaning or hostile
    ways, in courses and other

    activities on campus. We
    fully acknowledge that individuals from each of these
    groups do not

    represent a singular viewpoint,
    background or commitment to diversity, but that is

    the
    educational point of having a diverse set of these
    people, who often get cast into negative

    or demeaning
    stereotypes, present on campus.”

    The taskforce report then calls for

    annual and
    bi-annual review of diversity policies.

    “While I did not expect all

    members of the campus

    community to agree with my decision, I am encouraged
    by the amount of

    support this new policy has
    received,” continued Gates in
    his email statement.
    “Because of their

    loyalty to this university, many who
    did not support my decision are nevertheless

    working
    passionately to promote the university’s diversity
    goals. This serves as evidence of

    the strong sense of
    community that permeates this institution.”

    The president’s

    office will be a co-sponsor for a
    planned Diversity Rally on Wednesday at the College
    Station

    campus. The primary sponsor of the rally,
    Faculty Committed to an Inclusive Campus, will

    be
    speaking in favor of affirmative action in admissions.
    The Texas A&M Student Senate has

    announced that it
    will break away from the Diversity rally to hold a
    separate “Rally for Merit”

    at the same time. The
    student representatives do not want to be affiliated
    with any groups

    favoring the consideration of race in
    admissions.

    Today, it is difficult to say how

    public debate might
    have been affected if findings of the 2003 Task Force
    on Admissions had been

    released. The only document to
    seriously address the question of diversity in
    admissions at

    Texas A&M University argued “strongly”
    in favor of “narrowly tailored” considerations

    of
    race.

    Although Gates says he gave the issue a lot of
    thought, no document has

    yet been found which makes
    the studied case for the eventual adoption of
    so-called race-neutral

    admissions.

    Notes:

    The Texas Civil Rights Review will post the

    complete
    email from Gates along with copies of the report from
    the Task Force on Diversity.

    Please check the website
    for updates at:

    https://texascivilrightsreview.org/phpnuke

    Special thanks to Associate Editor Tony Gallucci for
    his help in preparing this

    story.