Category: Higher Education

  • Portales: Why We Must Insist

    via email
    March 5, 2004

    I dislike being so insistent, but sometimes

    one
    has no choice–given where we have to go.
    Did others notice yesterday’s [Mar. 4] Houston

    Chronicle
    editorial titled “For Green”? The editors wrote
    that they recommend Paul Green and

    not Steve
    Wayne Smith to serve as Place 5 justice on the Texas
    Supreme Court.

    They

    point to the fact that they prefer Green because
    Smith is credited with the Hopwood lawsuit

    that
    “injuriously halted” race as an admissions factor in college admissions, which lost financial

    aid for countless students in Texas. If students were injured by Hopwood almost 8 years ago this

    March 18th [1996], what can we say today about our admissions policy at Texas A&M?

    We

    continue to follow Hopwood’s color-blind policy.
    In GRUTTER (June 23, 2003), the Supreme

    Court
    allowed institutions like Texas A&M, who are
    struggling to recruit minority students, to

    tailor race as one of other accepted factors in college admissions.

    We have, in short,

    now a LEGAL tool–just as Hopwood
    WAS legal–to recruit more minority students, but we
    are not

    using that tool.

    Indeed, our administration refuses to avail itself of that

    tool.

    Why? Because it basically does not want to. For there are now no constitutional

    grounds for embracing Hopwood’s failed color-blind policies, especially when there is a perfectly good

    and legitimate tool for recruiting the minority students that Texas A&M so badly

    needs.

    I believe that we now have no choice but to challenge the administration to

    provide legal support for not considering race when that option is now legally acceptable. Not to do so

    would make us remiss in our responsibilities to the changing demographics of the state of

    Texas.

    So, how should we proceed?

    Sincerely,

    Marco

    Portales, Ph.D.

  • Task Force Docs at Downloads

    View crucial documents that were considered by the
    summer 2003 Task Force on Admissions,

    appointed by
    Texas A&M President Robert Gates.

    The following documents in pdf format

    (5.0 or higher)
    have been added to the Downloads section at the Texas
    Civil Rights Review.

    Please go to Downloads, then to
    “A&M Task Force

    Documents:

    https://texascivilrightsreview.org/phpnuke

    *****Aug. 6 Agenda

    “Lite”

    Description: Six pages of the Aug. 6 agenda (excluding
    the sample copy of the

    “Texas Common Application”.)

    *****Aug. 6 Task Force Agenda

    Description: Agenda

    for Aug. 6 meeting of the 2003
    Task Force on Admissions at Texas A&M, discusses
    options,

    including the one eventually adopted by the
    TaskForce, favoring affirmative action in

    admissions.

    *****Confidential Laycock Analysis

    Description: On July 1, 2003,

    Univ. of Texas Law
    Professor Douglas Laycock issued this 7-page analysis
    of the Supreme Court

    opinions in Grutter and Gratz. It
    is marked “Confidential” as legal advice, but was
    divulged by

    Texas A&M in response to an open records request.

    *****July 18 memo from Gates

    Description: 2-page memo from Texas A&M Univ.
    President Robert Gates, inviting participation in

    the
    2003 Task Force on Admissions.

    *****Nixon Peabody Analysis
    Description: In

    June of 2003, the law firm of Nixon
    Peabody issued this 7-page analysis of the Supreme
    Court

    opinions in Grutter and Gratz. This document was divulged by Texas A&M in response to an Open Records

    request that asked for materials considered by the 2003 Task Force on Admissions.

    The

    final report of the Task Force is posted at “Open
    Records” under COLLECTION

    B.

  • National Academies: Education Can Make the Difference

    On the same day that Senate subcommittees were collecting testimony about growing threats of violence along the US-Mexico border, the National Academies released a study on how the USA might harvest the "demographic dividend" of the rising Hispanic population while the second generation is still young (averaging 12 years of age) and in school.

    Were US policy makers to concern themselves with democracy now, the alternative of education, education, education would be the urgent call of the day, to catch the rising population while they are in school. And yet, here in penny-wise Texas, visitors to this website are still split 50-50 on the question of income taxes to support schools.–gm

    Excerpt below from executive summary, "Multiple Origins, Uncertain Destinies: Hispanics and the American Future". Marta Tienda and Faith Mitchell, Editors, Committee on Transforming Our Common Destiny: Hispanics in the United States, National Research Council
    By 2030, 25 percent of U.S. residents will be of retirement age or older, but Hispanics are a youthful population. In 2000, their median age was just 27, compared with 39 for non-Hispanic whites. Furthermore, today the median age of the Hispanic second generation, the nation’s future workers, is just over 12. Rising numbers of Hispanic young people will slow the nation’s overall population aging and can partially offset the growing burden of dependency produced by an aging majority. But their success in doing so depends on the level of their earnings, which in turn depends on their education and acquisition of job-related skills. Currently, Hispanics’ representation among highly skilled U.S. workers is below the national average.

    Perhaps the most profound risk facing Hispanics is failure to graduate from high school, which remains unacceptably high. The share of Hispanic high school students 16 to 19 years old who failed to graduate fell only marginally during the 1990s, from 22 to 21 percent. Foreign-born Hispanic youths 16 to 19 years old are significantly more likely than nativeborn students to drop out of high school—34 compared with 14 percent in 2000—but being foreign born is not the main reason that they fail to graduate. Many immigrant students who drop out are recent arrivals who were already behind in school before arriving in the United States. In addition, in the urban schools that many Hispanics attend, low graduation rates are typical. Fully 40 percent of Hispanic students attend high schools that serve large numbers of low-income minority students and graduate less than 60 percent of entering freshmen.

    Hispanic college enrollment is on the rise, but still lags well behind that of whites. In 2000 Hispanics accounted for 11 percent of high school graduates, but only 7 percent of students enrolled in 4-year institutions and 14 percent of enrollees in 2-year schools. Hispanic students are more likely than whites to attend 2-year colleges, which decreases the likelihood that they will complete a bachelor’s degree. As a result, the Hispanic-white college gap is increasing, despite the fact that Hispanic college enrollment is on the rise.

    Hispanic students who fail to master English before leaving school incur considerable costs. English proficiency is mandatory for success in the labor market and is vitally important for navigating health care systems and for meaningful civic engagement. How to ensure proficiency in English remains highly controversial: there is no consensus on how best to teach non-English-speaking students across the grade spectrum.

    The significance of Hispanics’ high school dropout rates, low enrollment rates in 4-year colleges, and need to master English cannot be overstated because the fastest-growing and best-paying jobs now require at least some postsecondary education. In 1999, nearly 6 of 10 jobs required college-level skills, including many that had not required college training in the past. In rapidly growing occupations, such as health services, nearly three in four jobs now require some college education. These trends bode ill for Hispanics as their college attendance and graduation gap with whites widens.

    Additional challenges for Hispanics are posed by new developments that affect families and children. The number of Hispanic mother-only families is growing, as it is for other ethnic and racial groups. Because mother-only families are significantly more likely to be poor, this trend signals heightened vulnerabilities for a growing number of youth. Moreover, it is too soon to tell what the long-term effects of welfare reform will be on Hispanics—especially on groups that rely most heavily on public benefits.

    Young people are also at risk of failure because of the rising numbers of Hispanic families that lack health insurance. Expansions of federally subsidized programs such as Medicaid and the State Children’s Health Insurance Program appear unlikely in an era of unprecedented federal budget deficits. Continued immigration of Hispanics from Mexico and other countries in Central and South America, coupled with their geographic dispersal to areas unaccustomed to providing care for diverse groups of patients, will challenge current approaches to providing health insurance coverage and health care to low-income Hispanics, particularly to recent immigrants.

    With institutional investments, Hispanic immigrants and their children can acquire the education and language skills necessary to realize the Hispanic demographic dividend, namely the higher earning potential of a youthful Hispanic workforce. In 2000 the 2-year average educational gap between all Hispanics and whites cost about $100 billion in lost earnings. Given the growth in the Hispanic populations that is projected to occur over the next 30 years, the cost of this education gap could rise to $212
    billion in current dollars by 2030, taking into account the generational shift.

    Failure to close Hispanics’ education and language gaps risks compromising their ability to both contribute to and share in national prosperity. How these risks and opportunities play out over the decades ahead will define not only the kind of future Hispanics will inherit, but also the economic and social contours of the United States in the 21st century.

  • Compensatory Education in Texas, Who Pays?: Closing Argument Part Three

    In Part Three of his closing argument in behalf of Edgewood Intervenors in the 2004 Texas school funding trial, attorney David Hinojosa of the Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund (MALDEF) argues that when it comes to the needs of economically disadvantaged students, Texas continues to discount students who deserve premium attention.

    The general purpose and theory of comp ed in our nation and state is to compensate for low investments in low income children, low community investment, family advantages, low health investment, access to a history of success.

    The evidence shows that parents of economically disadvantaged students often have low educational levels, poor housing, and they must overcome these obstacles created by poverty, including the lack of resources in their local public schools. And when the intensity of poverty increases, as the evidence shows, within a school or a school district, research has shown that the negative effects upon the economically disadvantaged are magnified.

    Within the Edgewood intervenor districts, the intensity of poverty ranged from 70 percent economically disadvantaged to 96 percent economically disadvantaged. And while the West Orange-Cove plaintiff superintendent testified about the new struggle in dealing with an increasing number of economically disadvantaged children, our districts have been struggling at higher levels for a much longer period of time.

    But as each witness testified, save for one, Dr. Armor, these children can succeed with appropriate resources. Even with the limited resources under TAAS our clients managed to pull up from below one year to reach recognized and exemplary status. Of course, it took about seven to eight years to get to that level because the resources were still insufficient at the time.

    Now, as a whole, under TAAS the economically disadvantaged, the African-American and the Hispanic in the state were all the success that the State wanted to talk about those groups reaching. They never reached the 80 percent, all tests taken, standard under TAAS as a group, even after nine years of testing. They remained about 14 percentage points behind whites, which is further evidence that the comp ed weight is underestimated.

    And as the testimony has shown, TAKS as a whole is a new ball game with low cut scores on each subject matter except in the initial year, and economically disadvantaged students still pass the TAKS test at least 10 percentage points behind the first test takers of the TAAS. And as Dr. Cloudt, for the State, agreed, the gap is back, even though it never went away. Looking at the comp ed test scores on TAKS, which we showed earlier, I’ll briefly go through this.

    Well, before we look at the TAKS scores I want to show you where some of these economically disadvantaged children are coming from. And those photos are from Pharr-San Juan-Alamo that were offered. And in that region here’s a student community. They’re also known as colonias. Here’s another student home. This is the environment that our children leave and go to school. This is the environment providing them the in-house training that they need, or not providing that training.

    And going to the fifth grade TAKS scores for the economically disadvantaged in 2003, you can still see the gap between fifth grade economically disadvantaged and all students, which actually also includes the economically disadvantaged, so it actually brings it down a little. The eighth graders trail as well. The eleventh graders trail as well.

    Looking at the 2004, it’s no different. Only one-half of the fifth graders, one-half of the eighth graders and just over one-half of the eleventh graders of the economically disadvantaged total are passing the TAKS all-test standard.

    And the eleventh graders need to pass it in order to graduate. 42 percent of the economically disadvantaged will either have to take it again and again and again, or else not get that high school diploma. And even with State aid, each superintendent for West Orange-Cove, the Alvarado, and the Edgewood intervenors all identified numerous critical-area needs which are special and immediate concerns, given the rising Texas standards imposed by our state and nation.

    Harder tests have led to higher failure rates and the need for more intensive services for our at-risk and economically disadvantaged students. And the great need for additional necessary resources was identified through a sample of districts by Dr. Reyes.

    Comparing the TAKS test scores for 2002-2003 — or comparing the on-time completion and potential for higher education graduation rates, the seven districts was a comparison of seven wealthy districts who averaged zero to 20 percent of economically disadvantaged, excluding Austin, and comparing it to a group of Edgewood intervenor districts which had economically disadvantaged students, 79 to 96 percent, economically disadvantaged. And the percentage difference shown is the percentage that it would take the economically disadvantaged in order to get up to the average of the non-economically disadvantaged districts.

    The next slide shows potential for higher ed, SAT/ACT at or above criterion. The wealthiest districts had 54.4 percent of their kids pass. The poor districts had only 4 percent.

    The next slide shows the achievement differences between the two sample districts, showing marked differences between the average of all students in one set of districts versus another set of districts.

    The next slide shows that, even when you combine sample one and sample two — let’s lump them together. We’re not going to take them apart. When you look at the percentage difference of SED versus non-SED in the districts, you see the marked difference.

    In the third grade see that it’s only 8.6 and 8.8 percent, and it grows all the way up to 72.8 percent by the tenth grade. And this next one shows when you look at within the district, the property poor districts, when you look at them and then you look at the percentage differences of at-risk versus non-at-risk students, you see that once again there is an incredible gap between the performance of the at-risk students.

    The State would probably write them off and say “Well, they’re not supposed to pass. They’re at risk. That’s why they are at risk. The ones at-risk are moving out.” Well, the whole purpose of compensatory education is to eliminate the achievement differences, not to reduce it, not to put it aside.

  • Vintage Story: Dec. 3 The Batt

    Gates forum to address admissions policies
    By Eric Ambroso
    Published:

    Wednesday, December 3, 2003
    Graphic by Ruben Deluna

    Texas A&M President Robert M.

    Gates will hold an open forum today to discuss changes in admissions requirements and to announce the

    creation of the Tuition Policy Advisory Committee. The U.S. Supreme Court decided in June that race

    can be considered in a university’s admission policies, and Big 12 schools, such as the University of

    Texas, have already looked at implementing affirmative action policies in their

    admissions.

    The Supreme Court upheld a previous ruling by the U.S. Sixth Circuit Court

    of Appeals that the University of Michigan Law School’s admissions policy is

    constitutional.

    The school had been using race as a factor in admissions. The court held

    that the law school’s goal of admitting a “critical mass of under represented minority students,”

    does not necessarily turn the program’s admissions process into a quota system. However, the court

    disagreed with Michigan’s undergraduate system of automatically distributing points to students from

    minority groups in the admissions process.

    In response to the ruling, Gates appointed a

    task force in August, headed by Karan Watson, dean of faculties and associate provost, to research

    A&M’s admissions policies.

    The task force completed its work and submitted its

    recommendations to Gates. He reviewed the recommendations and will announce a final decision about

    whether the University will change its admissions policies at the forum.

    “I’m going to

    talk about changes in admissions requirements and also some new outreach programs,” Gates

    said.

    Unlike A&M, UT proposed alterations to admissions policies this semester. The

    implementation of any changes made to the A&M’s admissions policies will be delayed for at least a

    year.

    According to the Texas Education Code, a university must publish its admissions

    requirements at least one year prior to the date applicants for admission are considered using the new

    guidelines.

    The statute requires delaying implementation of any new admissions policies

    until the Fall 2005.

    Gates will announce which

    changes