Category: Uncategorized

  • Texas Kills Again: Verified Paper Ballots Suffocated in Calendars Committee

    By Sonia Santana

    HB 166 died in the Texas House Legislature on Thursday
    May 12, 2005. HB 166 was our best attempt at a verified
    paper ballot trail for Texas this session.

    The original bill filed by Rep. Aaron Pena (D-Edinburg) was amended in the Elections Committee by Chairwoman Mary Denny (R-Flower Mound) to the point it was simply a study bill. We can’t proceed too slowly on this issue in Texas for Rep. Denny’s tastes.

    Despite the fact the bill was pretty uncontroversial by the time it reached the Calendars Committee, the powers that be, still could not risk their perceived loss of power. The bill had bi-partisan support with 4 Republicans on board including Mary Denny on the committee substitute version, and still it was quietly killed in Calendars with no vote scheduled on the floor.

    Thursday was the last day bills in the House needed to be listed on Calendars for a vote this week. HB 166 never made the cut.

    I mourn the death of HB 166, not only because I worked very hard on this bill, but because it is a huge loss for all Texan voters whose votes are not secure on electronic voting machines.

    We wouldn’t even consider an ATM transaction without verifiable proof of our transactions, yet we have turned over our right to cast our vote without any guarantees of how your vote was actually cast or counted. Voter beware.

    Sonia Santana is a voting rights activist in Austin.

  • Women of ''La Raza'': An Exhibit

    Mujeres Por La Raza Unida /
    The Women of La Raza Unida
    A Tribute to Women’s Involvement in Texas Politics

    An exhibition currently on display at the Nettie Lee Benson Latin American Collection
    March 23 through June 30, 2005

    This exhibit presents the breadth of contributions that Mexican American women made to Texas politics and to the struggle for equal rights for Mexican Americans. It was inspired by the Women of Raza Unida Oral History Project, developed in conjunction with a graduate seminar directed by Dr. Emilio Zamora in the School of Information. The course was entitled “Memory, History and Oral Narratives: Mexican Americans in Politics in Texas History.” The exhibit includes archival materials from the Raza Unida Party Collection, Nettie Lee Benson Latin American Collection, as well as items and memorabilia from party members and quotations taken from oral history interviews.

    Sponsored by the Center for Mexican American Studies and the Nettie Lee Benson Latin American Collection. Guest curators: Linda Ho and Brenda Sendejo, graduate students, Center for Mexican American Studies and Department of Anthropology, UT Austin.

  • Fraud? Did We Say Fraud? Transcript of a Texas Backdown

    Hubert Vo Election Challenge Hearing:
    An Abridged Transcript

    Evening of Jan. 28, 2005
    John H. Reagan Building, Austin, TX

    Master of Inquiry Will Hartnett (R-Dallas): Where do we stand on evidence that could be categorized as evidence of fraud or evidence of non-fraud?

    Andy Taylor, Attorney for the Challenger: One area that has come out as troubling in the past few days is there seems to be some pattern involving the registration of voters without their consent or knowledge or approval in House Dist. 137 (NOT Vo’s District) for whatever purpose I know not. But we’ve seen that over and over and over again as we’ve gone through these pieces of paper. So, one possible area of fraud that the local District Attorney in Harris County may wish to consider is just exactly what was going on in those instances. That’s number one.

    Hartnett: And that’s about four or five votes?

    Taylor: I think so.

    Hartnett: OK?

    * * *

    Taylor: In fact, we were able to prove through one voter under oath, that she had voted twice. We were able to demonstrate several other voters voted more than once.

    I’m not here to state or speculate what was in the mind of any of these voters. I do not know. And I want to make it very clear that the purpose of this election contest is not to determine if voters broke laws with criminal intent. The purpose of this proceeding is merely to determine if ballots were cast illegally. And illegally is a word that can be misunderstood. Under the election code, in the election contest context, illegal means not eligible to be counted. We did not seek any discovery from any of the 268 questionable ballots that we alleged as we started this hearing, no evidence was sought by us as to whether these illegal votes were done knowingly or in violation of any penal statute. That’s not our purpose, that’s not our burden. And we suggest that would be in the jurisdiction of others such as the local District Attorney in the county where the activities transpired.

    So hopefully I’ve been clear that we have uncovered facts which are deeply troubling in specific instances as we have talked about over the past two days, but we’re not here to say that any criminal laws have been broken.

    * * *

    Taylor: In fact I think it would have been counterproductive, because had I asked questions that sought to elicit responses that penal code violations criminal laws had been broken, then there might very well be some immunity issues that would have to be worked out. There might be some self-incrimination privileges that might attach, and we might actually find ourselves in a situation where voters did not have the ability to answer my questions for fear that they might incriminate themselves in a court or in any kind of criminal sanctions situation.

    Hartnett: It could have hampered this process.

    Taylor: Absolutely.

    * * *

    Hartnett: A final question. And so the total number of votes for which we arguably have or may have evidence that fraud was associated with is approximately 15 votes?

    Taylor: I’m not sure I can put a number on it, and I actually would rather not even say as to the numbers that we found that evidence is troubling that that constitutes anything more than an ineligible vote that cannot be counted or an eligible vote that shouldn’t have been discarded. I would rather not state on the record any opinion about whether or not any of these fact patterns go beyond civil election code violations and go to a higher level of criminal consequence. With the master’s permission I would simply not answer that question because frankly I don’t know.

    Hartnett: Well, you’ve pleaded fraud, and so that’s why I have to ask, because this is a very serious allegation, so for the members of the house, I think that is something that would rise to extremely high level of concern. For their benefit, I have to somehow be able to quantify, because they are going to ask me where are intentional misdeeds in attempting to thwart the election as compared to innocent or inadvertent or sloppy election law violations.

    Taylor: I understand your question, let me try to answer that and I’ll be done. First of all, I’ve been speaking in terms of whether or not criminal statutes have been broken. When I use the word fraud, I’m not talking about breaking criminal law. That was never my intention when I filed the election contest and said we had found deeply disturbing evidence of voter fraud and other irregularities. So I was not intending ever to say that penal statutes had been violated. Having said that, let me get to your question.

    I think that the areas where there is a very significant concern are the ones in which voter registration applications have been forged by others and where people have voted more than once.

    Hartnett: Fifteen votes.

    Taylor: Yes, approximately a dozen or so fact patterns that cause us that concern.

    * * *

    Hartnett: So besides those two fact patterns you have not presented any evidence of fraudulent conduct by any person in this case.

    Taylor: I have not even tried to, because I don’t know what was in the minds of the voters. That’s right, Master Hartnett.

    Hartnett: Okay, thanks very much. Do you want to respond?

    Larry Veselka, Attorney for Hubert Vo: I just want to say, is contestant Heflin withdrawing his pleadings of fraud or at least limiting his pleadings of fraud to the instances of accusations of double voting or in instances where there may have been some evidence or finding by the Master of fraudulent re-registration of somebody outside their precincts.

    Hartnett: I don’t think he’s filed that amendment, but if you’ve got anything to say Mr. Taylor.

    Taylor: I stand on what I just said.

    Hartnett: OK

    Veselka: I just want to say that a double vote that was found was for Heflin, and the fraudulent re-registrations were issues where there were African American votes being pulled away that they were trying to preclude from being counted here. So I don’t want to spend a whole bunch of time, but in a potentially political audience which I address I believe fervently that both sides want an accurate and fair hearing here, but there’s some concern about crocodile tears at this time after what all’s gone on over the last three months to claiming that. ‘oh, how did anybody ever think we were talking about fraud?’ I just feel that that needs to be said for the audience that hears it there.

    We believe, as we have said all along, that this is a fair election. We believe that there are people that make mistakes, they get busy, and they don’t always complete all their paperwork right. And we have election judges that don’t do it all right. And they get confused on the technicalities and some of them have been doing it one way for 20 years and the laws change or the forms change, or the provisional ballots change, and they don’t always get all the new training. They’re making a great effort, they’ve all made a great effort, the people that are involved in this….

    * * *

    Taylor: I would like to make one last comment base on what was just stated. I’m very proud of the fact that we went as vigorously for illegal votes that were cast for my client as we did for ones that were cast for Mr. Hubert Vo. One of the double voters voted for my client, and I brought that evidence to you. I also, because I don’t know how people voted, I didn’t screen them and selectively go after them.

    Co-counsel for Hubert Vo, Richard E. Gra
    y, leans forward and clears his throat.

    Taylor: I didn’t ask voters the question who didn’t want to answer the question, and guess what, the answers I got, illegal votes for my client. And you know I’m proud of that.

    Master Hartnett says uh-huh.

    Taylor then talks about one voter who was identified for questioning by the Vo team but who was not reached in time to meet the deadline for discovery, so Taylor took it upon himself to secure the deposition after the deadline passed. And although the deposition showed the voter had NOT voted for Vo in the first place, Taylor brought in the deposition anyway. He wonders if Vo’s attorneys would have done the same?

    Veselka: There was an accusation there that we’re not following the rules in this proceeding. And I think the record is pretty clear who has followed the rules and who has followed the deadlines and who has not.

    The true outcome of the election was for Hubert Vo.

    Is the record closed?

    Hartnett: The record is closed.

  • How Texas Fails to Serve Bilingual Students: Closing Argument Part Two

    In Part Two of his closing argument in the school funding trial, attorney David Hinojosa of the Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund (MALDEF) focuses on Texas’ failures to meet needs of bilingual students.

    While the equity gap has negatively affected our property poor districts as a whole, the limited English proficiency students, also known as English language learners, also do not have the opportunity to achieve their full potential because of the insufficient bilingual education allotment.

    The Edgewood intervenors offered three recognized experts, documenting a myriad of way that the State fails to meet the needs of LEP students, both in rich and poor districts. The State could offer no expert in its defense. The evidence overwhelmingly established that the State has failed to treat these LEP students equitably and adequately.

    Texas recognizes that districts require more resources in order to provide an access to a quality education for LEP children, and in fact, provides them with a .10 weight to the adjusted basic allotment. But the level of the weight to bring our LEP children to the achievement standard set in Texas and in our nation is grossly inadequate and unsupported by any research in Texas or in any other state or by the testimony of any of the superintendents in this case or by any of the experts in this case.

    In fact, it was arbitrarily set at such a weight. The evidence indisputably shows that studies were commissioned by the State as early as 1974 and again in 1984 and as late as 1989, in order to find out what additional resources are required to provide a quality education to LEP children.

    And in each of these studies, the suggested minimal weight was between .38 and .4 in order to provide these children with a minimally accredited education as defined. But the .38 and .4 weights, in and of themselves, were very conservative and actually discounted to provide those children with an adequate education.

    Districts like the Edgewood intervenors are responsible for educating a much higher percentage of the LEP children compared to the state average on inadequate bilingual education funding, and it’s disproportionately borne by such districts.

    For example, while the state average LEP population was roughly 15 percent for the year 2003, Edgewood ISD’s LEP population was 22.3 percent. Pharr-San Juan-Alamo’s LEP population was at 37.4 percent, San Elizario was 53.1 percent, and Laredo ISD was 59.9 percent.

    Three out of five children in Laredo ISD are LEP. The State’s own witnesses said that all students, regardless of race, ethnicity, language in the home, including LEP, all students must meet the State minimal criteria under standardized tests.

    But the State’s failure to provide districts with sufficient resources, as the evidence showed in order to provide the LEP children with an adequate education, has led to dreadful achievement results in Texas.

    For the 2002-2003 TAKS, all tests taken, at two SEMs below panel recommendations, fifth graders passed the English test at a meager 31.8 percent. On the LEP Spanish test it was 31.9 percent versus the State average of 55.9 percent

    .

    For the eighth graders, only one quarter of the LEP in the state passed the all test standard, while the state average was 69.9 percent. For the eleventh graders, only 15.2 percent of the LEP passed, while the state average was 49.8 percent.

    And it’s a peculiar thing about these scores that we have just shown. The state averages aren’t impressive in and of themselves, with one in three failing to pass all the TAKS subject area tests in the fifth grade and almost that same amount for the eighth grade and just under one-half of the eleventh graders in the state averaged half. Yet the LEP scores still fell far below those scores for the state.

    For the 2004 TAKS, all tests, at one SEM below, the fifth grade LEPs passed at merely a 27 percent. The state average was 62 percent, eight graders at 21 percent for the LEP, results for the eleventh graders was was an abysmal 24 percent versus the state average of 32 percent. These gross disparities in achievement reflect the State’s neglect of educating our LEP population.

    The State went so far as to claim that these abysmal pass rates for LEP were practically expected, that it wasn’t an alarming outcome for them, LEP children are supposed to perform poorly because the children are what they are, they’re limited in English language, no matter exactly how poorly they performed.

    But the funny thing is that the only LEPs who take the TAKS test, whether in English or Spanish, are the LEP children who have been cleared to be ready to take the test by their language proficiency advisory committee, people who have evaluated the children and said yes, they’re ready to take the test. So only the more prepared, the more competent LEPs are taking the TAKS test, but are still failing because of the insufficient funding provided by the State.

    And the State also attempted to argue that LEPs are mostly immigrants, they just got here into this country, and that is, you know, partly attributable to the poor performance by LEPs in Spanish taking the test. Yet over 50,000 of the 200,000 students who took the RPTE were here in the U.S. at least five years, and 70 percent of those students had been here at least three years.

    Now, when the State has provided additional resources to school districts above and beyond the weights, LEPs have shown that they can close the gap. Looking at the third grade test results the superintendents and state witnesses testified that when substantial additional resources would being poured in, the achievement gap between LEPs in all students tested and the state average was reduced considerably.

    For the 2002-2003 school year, the LEPs taking the English version scored at 72.1 percent, passing all tests, and on the Spanish test passed at 72.7 percent, only 12 points behind the state average. For the 2003-2004 school year, all tests passing rates were not available, but looking at the reading in March administration, 82 percent of the LEPs met the one SEM standard on the English version. And for the Spanish grade three reading, 83 percent met the one SEM, versus the state average of 91 percent. And the math test scores reflected only 5 percent difference on the English test and 10 percent difference between LEPs and the state average on the Spanish test.

    So yes, money can and does make a difference. But for most of the other grade levels, superintendent after superintendent testified how they needed tremendous amounts of additional resources to address the needs of the growing LEP population.

    Dr. Forgione, Dr. Moses, Dr. Sconzo of the West Orange-Cove plaintiffs voiced these concerns, as did each of the Edgewood superintendents from the focus districts. They expressed concerns about needing funds to recruit and hire certified bilingual ed teachers, to train all Teachers and administrators to work with LEPs, to have smaller class sizes to address the needs of LEPs, summer school remediation programs, instructional resources and assessments, full day programs for preschool aged children.

    Even Commissioner Neeley, herself, testified that she established 12 newcomer centers throughout her district to address the needs of recent immigrants. Most of our districts can’t afford the costs for these types of centers, with the limited bilingual funds provided by the State.

    And the lack of sufficient bilingual funds also is reflected in the high dropout rates for LEP students and the pitifully low graduation rates. Taking the State numbers as is for the 2001-2002 school year — even though there has been evidence offered in this case which clearly showed that those numbers are severely underestimated and in fact, misleading — the LEP graduation rate was a mere 53.4 percent compared to the state average of 82.8 percent. And the four-year dro

    p out rate was 20 percent compared to the state average of 5 percent.

    Each and every school district and the bilingual experts testified that they were unable to provide all of the elements required for an adequate bilingual education for students within their districts, even with additional federal funds.

    And the State seems to expect the federal government to supplant rather than supplement their duty to educate the children. The TEA bilingual director, herself, stated that the State without federal money would need to increase the weight to at least .3 in order to provide the eight elements of an adequate bilingual education. That’s rising from a .1 to a .3, clearly showing that the bilingual weight is insufficient.

    Each of the bilingual experts and superintendents testified that the needs of bilingual students are in addition and different from the needs of economically disadvantaged students. The needs of a child who does not speak English in the home are very different from the needs of a child coming from a low income family.

    The teaching methods required are different. The materials required are different. The literacy coaches required are different, among many other differences. One must caution that the group of limited English proficiency students is growing and is expected to grow and the population of LEP children in Texas has now climbed to 15 percent of children in Texas, almost one out of six.

    So by failing to provide a constitutionally adequate bilingual education to our children, we’re also failing our communities and our state.

    And a few will attempt to explain the achievement differences. Among its experts, the State called Dr. Armor, the State’s hired expert witness, who said that, on average, minorities and economically disadvantaged children and LEP children cannot achieve at the same levels as whites. Even with additional resources, Dr. Armor stated that minorities and children in poverty cannot achieve at the same level as whites.

    And in his analysis he controlled for LEP and economically disadvantaged students. But in our standards in Texas, we don’t control or allow for different standards to meet the TAKS standards, whether you’re black or white or brown. You just have to meet them.

    Another thing that Dr. Armor mentioned was that high poverty and LEP at the secondary level have a much higher likelihood that they will drop out and leave our system. And the overwhelming evidence in this case also showed our State’s failure to provide an appropriate and adequate compensatory education weight in order to provide for our at-risk children to have access to meaningful opportunities through a quality education.

  • Vo Still Standing: Challenger Should Withdraw

    By Greg Moses

    ILCA Online / IndyMedia Houston , North Texas, Austin

    While it may be another week before the Master of Discovery releases a report on the challenge brought against the election of Texas State Rep. Hubert Vo (D-Houston), informal signs indicate that the challenge will fail. In fact, given irregularities discovered in voter questionnaires that have been returned by the challenger with two kinds of ink and two kinds of handwriting, it would seem best if the challenger gracefully withdrew as soon as possible.

    By the time that Master of Discovery Will Hartnett (R-Dallas) called the first break on the second day of hearings Friday, it would have been clear to him that the challenge had failed. That was the point at which he had completed his review of voter depositions. While his case-by-case assessment of depositions resulted in a net loss of some 20 votes from Vo’s 33-vote election victory, his informal rulings would not have reversed the outcome.

    So it is significant that when Hartnett returned from the break on Friday morning, he advised the parties that he was attempting to contact the chair and vice-chair of the special legislative committee in charge of hearing the challenge. Only a few minutes later, Harnett called another quick break.

    When Hartnett returned from the second break Friday morning, he announced that he had just taken the second phone call verifying that both the chair and vice-chair of the committee would endorse his intention to rely strictly on deposition testimony and consider only those votes that were improperly cast and where the identity of the candidate was specified.

    Hartnett spent the rest of the day collecting information on the total number of illegal votes cast and listening to an argument that the effect of the total illegal ballots could be extrapolated. While he said he would forward those raw materials to his colleagues in the Texas House, the Master of Discovery said he would not put any weight on those matters in formal recommendations that he says will be reported one week from Monday.

    Of course, it is possible that Hartnett will change his mind about many things in the coming week as he considers one last round of briefs due by Monday afternoon. And it is possible that when the vote goes to the floor of the legislature, Hartnett’s recommendations will not be decisive. But preliminary signs show that after a very close election victory, recount, and legislative challenge, Vo will be allowed to make history as the first Vietnamese immigrant to serve in the Texas legislature and the first Democrat to represent an increase in that party’s representation at the statehouse since the 1970s.

    Also, the House may vote to side with the challenger under the argument that the total number of illegal votes exceeds the margin of electoral victory, and Hartnett has said he will present his best estimate of that total, which may exceed 100. But Vo attorney Larry Veselka argues that the large number of “undervotes” characteristic of the “down ballot” race, prevents an assumption that any number of illegal ballots would have affected this race. A deposition would be needed from every illegal voter to find out whether they voted in the race and who they voted for. Hartnett agrees.

    If legislators agree to throw out an election, because the total number of illegal ballots exceeds the margin of victory, they would ensure themselves a robust future of election challenges in any close race. As hearings in this case have amply demonstrated, since election days are fraught with some number of illegal votes, it may not be that difficult to identify hundreds in any given case.

    While an attorney for the challenger has argued that illegal votes made the difference in this race, the argument depends upon an assumption that more illegal votes would be cast on one side rather than another. But on what basis does one make the case that Vo votes are substantially more illegal than others? This is where suspicions arise that some amount of racism may be involved in this election challenge.

    The challenger notes that voting margins switch sides when early ballots are compared to election-day votes. The challenger won the early vote, but lost on election day. The challenger intensifies the racism of his allegation against Vo voters when he alleges that the best account for the election-day reversal depends upon illegal voting. It is an allegation that leaps over other possible accounts of election day turnout to criminalize Vo voters who largely represent the “South side” of the district. In this case, it is the challenger who replicates longstanding cultural patterns, where “North side” folks exhibit malicious attitudes toward southsiders.

    The provocative nature of the challenger’s campaign was illustrated Friday afternoon when, under questioning from Hartnett, the challenger’s lead attorney backed down from his public allegations of massive voter fraud. In fact, said the attorney, he didn’t even TRY to substantiate that allegation. Observers are warranted in concluding that when Northside lawyers accuse Southside people of massive fraud and then don’t even try to back up their allegation, that the only evidence in play is stereotype.

    While some voters may have voted twice, including a voter who went for the challenger, the only other pattern of possible election fraud was found by Hartnett during the hearing itself. In about four or five cases, Vo voters had been “deported” to another House district by means of forged voter registrations that changed their addresses, despite the fact that they never moved.

    One other pattern of irregularity was also detected by the hawk-eyed Hartnett. Deposition questionnaires had been returned by the challenger with two sets of ink and two styles of handwriting. Some questions, it would appear, had not actually been completed by the voter. What Hartnett will do with this discovery remains to be seen, but it would make a fine reason for the challenger to gracefully close this process within the week.

    Desperation of the challenger was also painfully revealed in so-called expert testimony from a Republican pollster who said that the results of the depositions could be extrapolated into a statistical trend. Suppose you went to a pollster and said, I have contacted 500 Texans and asked them what they think, can you tell me what this says about all Texans? And then suppose the pollster said, without any further questions, oh this is easy, you simply multiply your known numbers by an amount that will give you the total voting population. The pollster would be put our of business for this kind of behavior, yet that is exactly how he suggested one should handle the known pattern of illegal votes, simply multiply them to the total. This is “junk science” indeed. Hartnett admitted the testimony, but the cum laude Harvard graduate said he will give it no weight.

    View Hartnett taking note of the differences in ink and handwriting in depositions submitted by challenger at video of Friday morning’s hearing at 1:26:30 – 1:31:40 and 1:35:00 – 1:38:10.

    http://www.tlc.state.tx.us/legal/elec_contests.html