Category: Uncategorized

  • Fencing in the Rio Grande

    The Rio Grande Guardian has obtained a copy of an April 20 memo from the Department of Homeland Security that outlines the first steps for getting land to build a border fence in Texas. Guardian editor Steve Taylor also has obtained a map of the proposed fence locations. He writes:

    The memo and map have incensed Texas border leaders who thought they had an agreement with Chertoff that no new fencing would be erected without local input. Members of the Texas Border Coalition, an advocacy group comprising cities, counties, and economic development corporations, met with Chertoff in Washington, D.C., in January and Laredo in February.

    “He (Chertoff) had given us a commitment that he would take it to the locals for their opinions before ever even thinking about the fence,” said Hidalgo County Judge J.D. Salinas.

    “Constructing a fence is not the answer — socially, politically or economically. Hidalgo County’s economic health relies heavily on our relations with Mexico. Furthermore, we already have a structure in Texas, and it’s called the Rio Grande.”

  • Thank You Readers for the Biggest Month Yet

    Although we were offline for maintenance during the first days, April turned out to be the biggest month ever, by far, with a strong finish on April 29 as the busiest day ever.

    Our raw numbers remain at niche levels, nowhere close to heavy hitters on the web, but it is gratifying to have more people take interest in these pages more often, especially when there are sounds of movement in the air, winds of freedom blowing up from the South.
    And if you think our readers come to us from the civil rights choir, just take a look at the poll on school funding, which indicates surges in right-wing readership when the vote tilts more toward “no.” By the way, the poll has crept further in that direction since the legislature came to town two weeks ago…. –gm

  • Gritos for Breakfast: April 10 in Texas

    For handy links on Texas actions on April 10, check out Scott Henson’s blog, Grits for Breakfast. So far he has sources on the following cities: Austin, Dallas, Houston, San Antonio, Harlingen, Bryan, Tyler, Lufkin, Nacogdoches, Beaumont/Port Arthur, Corpus Christi, El Paso. Fort Worth, Texarkana, Amarillo, Odessa, and Waco.

  • Time to Review HAVA Deadlines

    In Rush to Meet Federal Deadlines
    Voter Registration Project

    Begins to Show Signs of Stress

    By Greg Moses

    While the Texas Secretary of State and his office are maintaining an optimistic ‘can do’ attitude toward meeting federal mandates to produce a statewide database and election management system by Jan. 1, a plain reading of documentary evidence indicates that pressures are already building inside the project and that some federal adjustment of the timeline may be in the best interest of voters and voting officials in Texas. An adjustment would also allow project workers to spend more time on quality issues.

    A statewide voter database mandated by federal law to be ready by Jan. 1 looks like it will be completed no sooner than Feb. 2 according to project documents made available to the Texas Civil Rights Review this week. While the one month gap may be understandable under the circumstances, it is one of several signs that the ambitious project presents complex and difficult challenges for state officials and private contractors alike. And Texas may very well be ahead of the game compared to other states.

    The combination of optimism and concern is summarized in notes concerning a two-day review of the database project conducted in late March. On the one hand state management reports that the review produced “Excellent Results. The system vision is beginning to take shape.” But the next sentence says a mouthful: “Many details remain, though.”

    “Counties are concerned” about a “Perfect Storm” of new systems coming on line all at once says one project note from early January. County officials will be training employees to deal with new electronic voting issues while they also try to cope with the new voter registration system and a new election management system that keeps up with candidate registrations and ballots.

    “Don’t know if there’s much we can do about this,” says a note from early January. “Fed law drives the dates.” The note goes on to suggest that the SOS office may be able to “assist the counties somewhat” with the electronic voting issues and adjust the schedule for bringing the ballot definition software online. But the issue is not marked for high priority.

    If fed law drives the dates, perhaps fed law can be changed?

    By early March the SOS staff was complaining that document reviews for the project were too rushed. “SOS staff reviewers are feeling very rushed with the volume of documents requesting review concurrently,” says one report. “They are concerned that they will miss something. Quality is suffering.” In response to the complaint, one manager writes that the project needs “better pacing of deliverables.”

    But the stress in the project was also evident from the side of private contractor Hart InterCivic whose “deliverable” software of March 15 came without installation instructions or a users guide.

    In late January a focus group of county officials did not much like a Hart InterCivic proposal for a two-step process for registering voters, where data would be entered for later review and approval. A phone call from an SOS staffer to a county worker revealed that the system now used by counties employs a one-step process. Again, it’s not clear how the SOS will resolve the issue between county officials and software developer Hart InterCivic.

    One of the first problems faced by project managers was where to host the database servers. Apparently state guidelines encourage computer functions to be centralized at a West Texas facility, so the project needed a waiver from the Legislative Budget Board in order to set up their servers in Austin. While the computers may eventually have to be housed in a West Texas warehouse, the database is being developed in Austin.

    Another question came up regarding the use of mapping. Texas officials envisioned a mapping system that would allow counties to make redistricting plans and submit them to the Department of Justice. But the system that mapping contractors were preparing for the state would only be able to designate existing district lines, not “plans.” It’s not yet clear how that issue will be resolved.

    Another issue involves the assignment of login IDs and passwords. The current voter database used by the Secretary of State (SOS) allows the state to assign master logins for each county that can be delegated by county officials, but the new system would centralize all login assignments through the SOS.

    Will a deluge of public hits to the system block access by county officials during crucial times? How will user roles and passwords be defined? Will counties be able to keep their subsets of data locally? The answer to the last question is “not within scope” say the documents, meaning that the project is not designed to allow it.

    Project manager Bob Futrell told the Texas Civil Rights Review during a previous interview that complex projects often have rough going during the early phases, followed by smoother operations later as the initial difficulties get worked through. And Texas SOS Roger Williams promises to make things work. But if Texas is one of the better organized states at this point in the process, and if lower level workers are expressing worries about workflow, project scope, and timing, the wiser course of action may be to encourage a federal review of the parameters that have been imposed upon the states by the mandates from the Help America Vote Act of 2002.

  • Texas Templates of Imbalanced Power

    Time for Both Parties to Re-Think

    By Greg Moses

    “Conservatism breeds every kind of prejudice. I am glad to see radicals raising hell”–Melvin B. Tolson

    We’re thinking of Tolson today as we receive news that the State Affairs Committee has voted in favor of the bill to Constitutionalize Homophobia in Texas.

    I remember a fine old character who served in the Texas lege during the early fifties. His tenure there was short because he tipped his hand toward civil rights. Or rather, as the story went, he gave voters evidence that he was not terribly reliable as an anti-civil rights dogfighter. Profane terms were in common currency to describe his sin and his character. So he lived out his days as a Justice of the Peace.

    In the 6-1-2 committee vote to support a homophobic amendment to the state constitution, I see the same template of Texas politics at work. Texas voters still demand from their reps a sign that civil rights will not creep into the priorities of state. In Texas we demand to be taught lessons in civil rights, we never demand to teach them. This time voters will secure a Constitutional warrant.

    While the lone hero in the vote is a Democrat, the uniqueness of the stand must be chalked up to personal integrity rather than party principle. Neither party AS a party has anything to congratulate itself about in this sad, sad, sad affair. History will show the early 21st Century in Texas is playing out as the early 20th, only with issues transposed. But the same visceral appetite is being fed. A vulnerable minority is being demeaned in order to assert some kind of willful moral authority among the majority. And history can march backward quite a distance sometimes.

    The Texas Political Journal “Politico” sends a very similar warning in response to a Democrat “hit list” that is being circulated. There are four Democrats being targeted for primary challenges, with the explanation from party organizers that these four have been disloyal to the party by aligning with Republican leadership. They are called Craddick Democrats, Craddick-D’s, or CD’s for short, named for the Republican speaker of the house Tom Craddick.

    Of the four targets, three are Hispanic and one is African American. Politico does not dispute that these reps have worked with Republican leadership. One of the targets, for example, gave fine arguments against the Bill to Constitutionalize Homophobia in Texas, but on the day of the committee vote, he did not show up. So this is the kind of political behavior we are talking about.

    But Politico raises a question of fairness and suggests that in matters of political discipline the Democratic party is also showing signs of retaining an old template of East Texas power when it fails to single out any conservative white Democrats. Based on small samples of evidence in cyberspace it appears that Politico’s concerns have already been brushed aside, even by so-called progressive Democrats. Politico’s failure to be heard counts as evidence toward his claim that old-style opportunism still rules.

    It is not an easy mess to untangle. Democrats already “disloyal” are being treated in ways that raise questions about the value of “loyalty” to such a party in the first place. Lots of people who have done wrong things are strictly punished, but strict punishment can also serve to remind us of all the cases of wrongdoing that get overlooked. This is the template of criminalization from top to bottom in Texas. Whether there is consciousness of these dynamics remains doubtful, even among self-styled progressives.

    Another tangled knot involves the relationship between Civil Rights and civil rights. I capitalize Civil Rights when referring to post-Civil War amendments 13, 14, and 15 guaranteeing abolition, equal protection, and voting for African Americans. Texas historian David Williams argues that Civil Rights is nothing but the effort to fulfill these amendments.

    In the ongoing effort to fulfill these amendments, some very valuable principles of civil rights have been developed and applied to other important problems such as lesbian/gay liberation. And so long as we continue to pursue Civil Rights, we will reap benefits for civil rights, too. But we can’t forget our Civil Rights principles of equal protection, even when we seek to discipline civil rights defectors. Scapegoating by any other name is still the same ugly thing.

    * * *

    “Then too,” wrote Tolson, “if you are scared to be radical, you can cheer the man who has the guts to speak out for human rights. You can write him a letter of appreciation and tell him to burn it up.”

    Or send her an email and tell her to delete it?

    Quotes taken from African American Humanism, edited by Norm Allen, Jr. (Buffalo: Pantheon Books. 1991)