Category: Uncategorized

  • Misdirection All Around: Reporting on the Rocha Case

    Note: the following article is true to the headline, because we (um, that’s just me mainly) contributed to the misdirection.  As it turns out, the Statesman reporter was dead correct.  The Austin Chief of Police did find fault with the officer’s use of force, ruling that if she had time to reposition herself before shooting Rocha, then she had time to check his hands to see if in fact he was holding a tazer.  See the full report in our downloads section.  And apologies to the Statesman.  Sometimes I should be a little more careful (as if you need to be told!)–gm

    IndyMedia Austin

    By Greg Moses

    I wish the Austin American-Statesman would be a little more careful.

    In today’s top story, an internal affairs
    report from the Austin Police Department is said to have cleared the
    officer who shot Daniel Rocha this past June. Says the Statesman,
    the internal police review concluded that, "officer Julie Schroeder had
    reason to think she was protecting herself and a sergeant when she shot
    Rocha during a struggle June 9 in Southeast Austin." Yet, says
    the paper, "Their conclusions contrast with those of Knee, the police
    monitor and a citizens review panel, all of whom found that Schroeder
    didn’t have to shoot Rocha. Knee fired Schroeder on Friday."

    The problem with the paper’s intro is that it assumes the Chief and the
    internal review panel are considering the very same issue, but that is
    not likely to be the case. For the Chief to fire officer Schroeder on the basis of her use of
    force, he would have to find something not found by the Travis County
    Grand Jury who exonerated Schroeder from criminal charges earlier this
    year. While it is possible that the Chief is taking this bold
    route, I don’t think it’s very likely.

    What’s more probable is that Knee’s decision is based on other issues of internal policy, besides use-of-force guidelines.

    For instance, the Statesman in an earlier report on the recommendations
    made by a ‘citizens panel’ to fire officer Schroeder, said:

    It’s unclear what evidence the citizens panel reviewed
    before making its decision or which policies they think the officers
    violated. However, police officials said shortly after the shooting
    that Schroeder and Doyle violated policy by not operating their patrol
    car cameras during the incident. Doyle did not have a tape in his
    camera; Schroeder has said she thought hers was functioning when it was
    not.

    These remarks suggest, as if the reporter doesn’t know for sure, that
    violations of videotape policy might be the first place to look for
    viable reasons to fire officer Schroeder and to discipline officer
    Doyle.

    If we follow this line of inquiry, then we would look to officer
    Schroeder’s overall behavior as a police professional. The
    so-called traffic stop on June 9 was an action completely under officer
    Schroeder’s command and control, because it was in the context of an
    undercover surveillance operation that officer Schroeder made the stop;
    but a careful reading of affidavits about that night’s activities
    suggest that officer Schroeder acted precipitously when she ordered the
    traffic stop at that time and location.

    Consider, for example the following statement by officer Doyle:

    I had the mic in my hand and was preparing to advise over
    the radio that the vehicle was turning right onto Pleasant Valley and
    that I did not have a traffic violation yet. Before I could get out on
    the radio I saw Officer Shroeder and officer Borton turning from south
    bound Pleasant Valley to west bound Quick Silver. They pulled sort of
    diagonally and to the front of the White SUV, but did not block the
    vehicle. I believe officer Schroeder was driving and I noticed that the
    Red and Blue emergency lights were activated. I knew we were on our
    channel and that I need to switch to Frank radio to advise we were
    making a traffic stop. I was also trying to get my emergency lights
    activated.

    In Doyle’s account of the traffic stop, we find him placed in a
    position where he must now react to an impulsive traffic-stop maneuver
    on the part of officer Schroeder. And from a police procedure point of
    view, this was officer Schroeder’s grave mistake. She placed her
    cohorts in the totally unnecessary position of having to scramble in
    reaction to HER leadership during a surveillance operation that she was
    directing. Here’s how Schroeder’s car partner officer Borton describes the setup:

    I believe Officer Shroeder put our unit into reverse, onto
    S. Pleasant Valley and decided to initiate a stop on the vehicle as it
    stopped at the stop sign. Our emergency lights were activated and I
    believe I advised Sgt. Doyle on channel 6B.

    Quite consistent with officer Doyle’s account, Schroeder threw her
    partners into a reactive operation when she impulsively called the
    stop. As the plain reading of both affidavits suggests, the first
    sign that officer Schroeder gave to her partners of an impending stop
    was to throw her own car into reverse. If this is the picture
    that chief Knee put together for himself, then he would have reason to
    question officer Schroeder’s judgment as a police professional.
    In other words, the question for Knee would not be ‘was officer
    Schroeder justified in pulling the trigger’ but ‘did officer Schroeder
    need to get herself in that position in the first place’.

    In other words, if officer Schroeder did not have to shoot Daniel Rocha
    on the night of June 9, 2005, it was because she did not have to put
    herself in that position in the first place.

    All I know is what I read, but to me the concern over officer
    Schroeder’s professionalism seems a more likely concern on the part of
    the Chief. If indeed this is the way things are going, we shall want to
    ask some serious questions about the response of the police union to
    Knee’s decision in this case. But at this point, from a citizen’s point
    of view, we are only so far dealing with hypothetical logic.

    NOTES:

    —-Statesman Nov. 22, 2005

    Austin police internal affairs detectives investigating the fatal
    shooting of Daniel Rocha found that the officer who shot him did not
    violate department policy on using lethal force, according to documents
    released Monday.

    In a 39-page summary sent to Police Chief Stan Knee in September,
    investigators said officer Julie Schroeder had reason to think she was
    protecting herself and a sergeant when she shot Rocha during a struggle
    June 9 in Southeast Austin.

    Their conclusions contrast with those of Knee, the police monitor and a
    citizens review panel, all of whom found that Schroeder didn’t have to
    shoot Rocha. Knee fired Schroeder on Friday.

    –source:

    Internal review: Rocha shooting broke no rules
    Officer had reason to believe she and sergeant were in danger during struggle, report says. Tuesday, November 22, 2005

    —————

    —-Statesman Nov. 16, 2005

    It’s unclear what evidence the citizens panel reviewed before making
    its decision or which policies they think the officers violated.
    However, police officials said shortly after the shooting that
    Schroeder and Doyle violated policy by not operating their patrol car
    cameras during the incident. Doyle did not have a tape in his camera;
    Schroeder has said she thought hers was functioning when it was not.

    –source:

    Sources: Citizens group wants officer in Rocha shooting fired
    Police union demands that city manager investigate who leaked panel’s decision.
    By Tony Plohetski
    AMERICAN-STATESMAN STAFF
    Wednesday, November 16, 2005

    ————

  • Thanksgiving Delayed: Texas High Court Blesses Excellence and Inequality

    By Greg Moses

    OpEdNews / DissidentVoice / CounterPunch

    "Next year Lord we’d love to give thanks for everybody’s freedom and
    equality, but in the meantime please accept our appreciation for the
    fact that after you adjust for race and class, some of our kids seem
    not too pulled down by impossible situations."

    Such was the blessing spoken by the Texas Supreme Court this
    week as justices released a long-awaited school funding decision just
    in time for the American Winter Holiday Season.

    To the wealthier school districts of Texas (known as the West Orange
    Cove plaintiffs) the court granted permission to raise local tax rates
    in behalf of ‘educational excellence’ in all the right neighborhoods.

    To the rest of us, the court explained how the structure of funding in
    Texas does not make it impossible for poor districts to keep themselves
    accredited, and therefore the urgent pleadings from the poor districts
    for more support cannot be expected to rise to the level of
    constitutional concern.
    In one sense it was a crisp and clear ruling, cutting through
    the panic arguments filed by the state in an attempt to steer the case
    away from the godawful facts that had impressed the trial judge. Panic
    arguments such as the court has no jurisdiction nor the districts
    proper standing were one by one dismissed. After all, the court had
    already issued a decade or more of school funding rulings all named
    ‘Edgewood’ after a famous San Antonio school system.

    After cutting through the panic arguments, the court took the facts
    boldly in hand and said things like, sure, the buildings look like crap
    in these pictures, but what does that have to do with education? The
    kids seem to be passing, don’t they? It’s a bad situation, but it’s not
    that bad. One fourth of all school districts in Texas have not yet
    levied special taxes to support their own school buildings, so the
    question of the state’s obligation is beside the point.

    This Thanksgiving, we can give thanks to a few attorneys and school
    districts who jumped into the lawsuit because they wanted to make sure
    the rich districts didn’t run away with all the money. In that
    struggle, our longstanding heroes from Edgewood and Alvarado seem to
    have maintained a very costly line in the form of a warning from the
    Supreme Court that if things get much worse, well there has to be some
    limit to the amount of hypocrisy the court will publicly tolerate.

    MALDEF was quick to denounce the decision as justice delayed
    for the children of Texas. With richer districts now able to ‘enhance’
    their schools through higher local taxes than previously allowed, and
    with the legislature under no real court pressure to make things more
    equal (just don’t let them get much more unequal) the timeline for
    justice is matching up a little closer to that previously scheduled
    cold day in hell.

    “In 2003,” said the court, “Texas ranked last among the states
    in the percentage of high school graduates at least 25 years old in the
    population.” Fully half the Hispanic students and nearly half the
    African-American students drop out during high school. In Texas, Black
    and Hispanic students are the majority. By the year 2040, these
    ‘minorities’ will constitute two-thirds of the population. But the cost
    of a just education is difficult to quantify said the court. Glaring
    challenges of high school literacy the court could not quite translate
    into a single legal reason for constitutional urgency.

    There was a dissenting opinion: a heartfelt manifesto for
    justice through ‘competition’ duly applied to suggestions for
    competition between districts and more tax money for private schools.

    BTW, all those anti-affirmative action voices who say we should really
    start equalizing education at the elementary level? There were so many
    of them hollering when the Hopwood case was news. Today they seem quite
    happy to note with the Texas Supreme Court that democracy is still good
    enough for constitutional purposes so long as you know how to properly
    adjust your expectations for differences of race and class.

    Anyway, that’s the news from Texas. Dog bites kid. Pass the turkey please.

  • Half Mast for Rosa

    If we had a flag, we’d lower it half way for a month.  Dear
    Rosa,  please don’t let us rest in peace until we are worthy.–gm

  • Reproductive Rights Funds Go to Anti-Abortion Counseling

    By Greg Moses

    First you make their pregnancies more likely, then you dismantle
    services that would support their children, finally you talk them out
    of
    abortion. This is the new "pro-life" regime of public policy, thanks to the
    Texas Legislature.

    In a personal account of being turned away
    from her annual exam, an Austin Indymedia
    reporter writes about the morning she and 25 other
    women ("women of color of course!") were advised by Planned Parenthood
    staff of the new state order. A story at the Planned Parenthood
    website explains that funding was shifted by the legislature "from
    family planning clinics, such as Planned Parenthood, that provide
    health services and contraception for low-income women, to so-called
    ‘pregnancy counseling clinics’ that devote their resources to
    convincing women who have unintended pregnancies not to have abortions".

    Similar stories have been written in Amarillo, Waco, and Pharr. The Brownsville
    Herald reports that "1,500 women in Brownsville may lose access to the
    services the clinics in town provide, such as: diabetes and
    hypertension screenings, women’s health exams, cervical and breast
    cancer screenings and birth control."

    In an AP story archived at North Texas
    Planned Parenthood, researchers find that over the past decade an
    increasing percent of births are not wanted by mothers. The AP
    report trades quotes between anti-abortion activists who say the trend
    shows a "pro-life" shift and reproductive rights activists who say the
    numbers reflect decreased access to "abortion providers."

    Strangely missing from the AP report is consideration of the logical
    possibility that the increasing number of unwanted births might also
    reflect how the attack on "abortion providers" has resulted in
    decreased availability of birth control services, as reported by Austin
    Indymedia.

    Also missing from the analysis is consideration of the effect of
    worsening conditions for parenthood over the past decade, exemplified
    in Texas by attacks on children’s health insurance. Poor family
    services might also account for why mothers increasingly report
    unwanted births.

    The problem with the so-called anti-abortion agenda is that it focuses
    too narrowly on a single, isolated moment of choice. The effective
    result is a war on rights to reproduction and parenthood.

    To reduce the
    number of abortions requires attention to an expanded range of
    choices, not only in terms of whether to have an abortion or not, but
    in terms of birth control and support for parenthood services,
    too. But since the broader agenda would involve empowerment and
    solidarity, the so-called anti-abortion movement is not
    interested. What they prefer is a hypocritical agenda of judgment and
    constraint that reminds us of the Right Rev. Dimsdale in Hawthorne’s
    "Scarlett Letter". What they really mean by "pro-life" is
    pro-patriarchal control.

    A
    true agenda of liberation would make the choice of abortion less likely
    by increasing the percentage of planned and wanted pregnancies in an
    environment that welcomes children through robust services for health
    and education. Try telling that to the legislature in Texas.

  • Texas Supreme Court Sides with Rich Districts for Now

    Here is the bottom line paragraph from today’s judgment from the Texas Supreme Court:

    We now hold, as did the district court, that local ad
    valorem taxes have become a state property tax in violation of article
    VIII, section 1-e, as we warned ten years ago they inevitably would,
    absent a change in course, which has not happened. Although the
    districts have offered evidence of deficiencies in the public school
    finance system, we conclude that those deficiencies do not amount to a
    violation of article VII, section 1. We remain convinced, however, as
    we were sixteen years ago, that defects in the structure of the public
    school finance system expose the system to constitutional
    challenge. Pouring more money into the system may forestall those
    challenges, but
    only for a time. They will repeat until the system is overhauled.

    This means that the lawsuit initiated by ‘rich districts’ (the West
    Orange Cove plaintiffs) has succeeded. They can tax and spend at higher
    rates.

    In the short run, the court is ruling against further claims
    by intervenors from ‘poor districts’ (Edgewood and Alvarado plaintiffs)
    that the funding of Texas schools is otherwise unconstitutional because
    of alleged inequality and poor overall performance. But the court warns
    that this short term ruling may be quite short term indeed if state
    policy makers read this ruling as a vote of confidence.  Oooh.  Bet that’ll scare them into action!–gm