Category: Uncategorized

  • Coleman, Ellis, & Bledsoe: Return to Affirmative Action

    “This is a win for every student whose parents didn’t attend A&M,”

    said state Rep. Garnet Coleman, D-Houston. “But I’m disappointed that race and ethnicity have not

    been reinstated as one of many factors in the admissions process.”[Todd Ackerman chron.com Jan. 9,

    2004, 10:40PM]

    “We know that A&M is a school that is built on traditions and talks

    about the A&M family and traditions as one of its attributes. So, yes, it’s clear they wanted to keep

    [new students] in the bloodline,” said state Rep. Garnet Coleman, D-Houston, who had called for

    legacy’s elimination. “The other outreach programs were akin to looking for stepchildren.”[John LeBas

    theeagle.com January 10, 2004]

    The same sentiment was voiced by state Sen. Rodney Ellis, D-

    Houston, who said “most right-thinking people still should be appalled because A&M is so

    overwhelmingly white and is not using one of the tools — the consideration of race in admissions —

    that could help it diversify;” and by Bledsoe, who said A&M has taken “a small step in the right

    direction, but eliminating the program won’t repair the wrong done.”
    [Todd Ackerman chron.com Jan.

    9, 2004, 10:40PM]

  • Ackerman: A&M Drops Legacy Admissions

    Jan. 9, 2004, 10:40PM
    A&M abolishes legacy program
    By TODD

    ACKERMAN
    Copyright 2004 Houston Chronicle

    Texas A&M University President Robert

    Gates on Friday ended the school’s legacy program, acknowledging that giving preference to applicants

    with blood ties to alumni is inconsistent with an admissions policy based solely on merit. Gates’

    decision, effective immediately, ends a controversy that flared up in legislative hearings in past

    years and prompted minority politicians and activists this week to threaten a lawsuit if the policy

    wasn’t changed.

    “I had intended that legacy be addressed in an ongoing review of our

    admissions procedures,” Gates said in a statement. “However, public perceptions of the fairness and

    equity of our process clearly are important and require prompt action to deal with an obvious

    inconsistency in an admissions strategy based on individual merit.”

    Gates said he made

    the decision after consulting with each Texas A&M University System regent.

    A&M may be

    the first major university, public or private, to dismantle a full-fledged legacy program, national

    experts said. The University of California System eliminated a program in 2000, a limited one that gave

    children of out-of-state alumni a boost, granting them consideration along with in-state

    applicants.

    A&M’s legacy program gave preference to in-state and out-of-state children,

    grandchildren and siblings of school alumni. They received four points on a 100-point scale that also

    took into account high school class rank, test scores, extracurricular activities and other factors. It

    was the only legacy program among Texas public universities.

    The program drew heated

    criticism this week after A&M acknowledged that legacy was the deciding factor the last two years in

    the admissions of more than 300 whites but only a handful of blacks and about 25 Hispanics. The Houston

    Chronicle reported the data just a few weeks after Gates’ Dec. 3 announcement that A&M won’t consider

    race in admissions because he wants every student to feel they were admitted solely because of

    merit.

    State legislators and representatives from civil rights and minority advocacy

    groups held news conferences around the state Wednesday noting the contradiction and calling on A&M to

    end the legacy program. Texas NAACP President Gary Bledsoe called it “inherently discriminatory”

    because blacks didn’t attend A&M until 1963, precluding the “legacy” of many minority applicants,

    and some lawyers suggested they would file suit if the policy wasn’t changed.

    Gates

    said in a telephone interview later Friday that the threat of litigation played no role in his decision

    but acknowledged that the criticism was a factor in the timing.

    “I’d say the train was

    already out of the station, but what I saw in the media this week certainly reinforced the belief that

    I needed to act quickly,” Gates said. “They were right to call attention to the

    inconsistency.”

    Gates emphasized that the legacy policy played a smaller role in

    admissions than many believed and said A&M will continue to urge students from Aggie families to

    apply.

    The program’s critics hailed the decision Friday, but most described it as just

    “a first step.”

    “This is a win for every student whose parents didn’t attend A&M,”

    said state Rep. Garnet Coleman, D-Houston. “But I’m disappointed that race and ethnicity have not

    been reinstated as one of many factors in the admissions process.”

    The same sentiment

    was voiced by state Sen. Rodney Ellis, D-Houston, who said “most right-thinking people still should be

    appalled because A&M is so overwhelmingly white and is not using one of the tools — the consideration

    of race in admissions — that could help it diversify;” and by Bledsoe, who said A&M has taken “a

    small step in the right direction, but eliminating the program won’t repair the wrong

    done.”

    A&M’s undergraduate population is 82 percent white, 9 percent Hispanic, 2

    percent black and 3 percent Asian-American.

    Critics of affirmative action, who applauded

    A&M’s decision not to use racial preferences, also had urged the university to revisit its legacy

    policy.

    “A&M’s decision is good news for those of us who believe in merit-based

    university admissions,” said Edward Blum, a senior fellow with the Center for Equal Opportunity, a

    Washington-based group that opposes affirmative action. “Now it’s time for the University of Texas-

    Austin to follow A&M’s example and eliminate both racial and legacy admissions

    preferences.”

    A week before A&M announced it wouldn’t consider race in admissions, UT

    announced a proposal to resume taking race into account. A recent U.S. Supreme Court decision that race

    may be a factor in admissions gave both schools newfound freedom in that area, overturning a lower

    court ruling that had hamstrung both universities’ minority recruitment efforts.

    The

    Supreme Court decision seemed to focus more attention on legacy programs, often perceived as an Ivy

    League phenomenon but actually common among selective universities. U.S. Sen. Edward Kennedy, D-Mass.,

    recently filed a bill to require colleges to disclose the race and economic status of first-year

    students related to alumni.

    Coleman said he wasn’t surprised Gates acted so quickly to

    end the legacy program after the Chronicle’s report was published because criticism of the policy had

    come even from allies like Blum. He said A&M can’t lead the anti-affirmative action movement if it is

    being criticized by its proponents.

    But Gates said he’d essentially made the decision

    before such criticism erupted, after talking in December with minority legislators and 100 university

    faculty, staff and students.

    He said he knew as far back as November that the legacy

    program was doomed but first made the Dec. 3 admissions policy announcement because it involved a

    change the regents had to approve. But he said that in retrospect, the legacy decision should have been

    part of the previous announcement.

    “Because it was not, Texas A&M suffered unfortunate

    negative publicity,” Gates said. “I take full responsibility for

    that.”

  • Letters to the Editors: On Individual Assessment & Desegregation

    The Jan. 9 statement that announced the revocation of

    “legacy” considerations in the admissions process, said, “not one student of the more than 10,000

    who were admitted was admitted solely on the basis of legacy.”

    If legacy has long been

    an admissions criterion and nobody has ever been admitted “solely” on its basis, then what about

    race? Wouldn’t it also be true that during the long years of considering race as an admissions

    factor, nobody was every admitted “solely” on the basis of race?

    The question is important,

    because it indicates that if the admissions policies have been consistently and fairly applied,

    students who applied for admissions during the period of affirmative action were always assessed as

    individuals, never “solely” on the basis of race.

    If, as the Gates statement stresses,

    legacy criteria only resulted in the admission of students who were qualified in an overall sense, then

    isn’t the same thing true of affirmative action?

    But if the same thing is true of

    affirmative action that was true of legacy admissions, why was it necessary to abolish affirmative

    action in order to assure that applicants would be assessed individually?

    [The above was

    published as Letter to the Editor in the Bryan Daily Eagle, Jan. 13; and with some helpful edits in the

    Austin American-Statesman, Jan. 15, 2004]

    TEXAS EDUCATION

    STILL NEEDS TO BE

    DESEGREGATED

    Dear Editor,

    With all the helpful coverage and activism

    that has already emerged in response to the Texas A&M decision to rescind affirmative action in

    admissions, there is still one crucial fact which has not been reported: Texas higher education is

    still under federal supervision for desegregation.

    Perhaps everyone is a little

    embarrassed by this fact, so people are a little reluctant to mention it publicly, but Texas has agreed

    to four successive “Texas Plans” with the U.S. Department of Education’s Office for Civil Rights.

    The first Texas plan officially began in 1983. The fourth Texas plan was offered by Gov. George W. Bush

    in the summer of 2000, and it will continue for several more years.

    In fact, Texas A&M

    adopted affirmative action on Dec. 5, 1980, in order to show that the university could be counted on to

    act as a trustworthy partner in “good faith” during the upcoming years of desegregation. Affirmative

    action, therefore, is the university’s way of saying, you can depend on us to take responsibility for

    our own desegregation.

    The crucial context of desegregation changes everything about the

    importance of the Texas A&M decision, so it should be reported and discussed, not evaded.

    [Austin Chronicle, Jan. 15, 2004]

  • Gates: Expects Flood of Emails as Mays Fails to Return Calls

    Gates said he was prepared for a flood of e-mails on the subject and that

    he hopes most Aggies see this as the “next logical step” in a new approach to picking the A&M student

    body.

    “My guess is that a lot of former students don’t really appreciate how little

    impact legacy has had on the process in the real world,” he said. “If the reality is that legacy helped

    300 get in, the perception of some Aggies is probably that it’s 3,000.”

    He added that

    A&M officials will continue to encourage students from Aggie families to apply for

    admission.

    Gates said he discussed the legacy decision with the A&M System Board of

    Regents and members were supportive. Several regents — including Chairman Lowry Mays and Vice Chairman

    Erle Nye, both A&M graduates — could not be reached for comment Friday afternoon. [John LeBas

    theeagle.com January 10, 2004]

    See Official Gates statement of Jan. 9, 2004 below.

    January 9, 2004

    STATEMENT ON LEGACY

    http://www.tamu.edu/president/speeche

    s/040109legacy.html

    Texas A&M University President Robert Gates

    On

    December 3, 2003, when I announced the comprehensive plan to recruit and enroll more minorities at

    Texas A&M University, I stated that all students would be admitted based on individual merit and

    potential contribution to the University community. Further, I stated at that time and in subsequent

    meetings with legislators and internal and external groups that all admissions factors—including

    legacy—were under review to ensure that we have a fair and equitable process. This was due in part to

    our understanding that there was an inconsistency in the continued use of legacy in a merit-based

    process.

    We believe, as virtually every university in the country does, that students

    whose family members have attended its university add value to what makes those institutions unique.

    This is especially true at Texas A&M. At the same time, the solidity of the Aggie family and the

    strength of the Aggie culture are not the result of four out of 100 points on an admissions evaluation.

    For the three-fourths of our freshmen who were enrolled in the fall of 2003 under the top ten percent

    law and automatic academic admission, legacy was irrelevant. Indeed, not one student of the more than

    10,000 who were admitted was admitted solely on the basis of legacy. In fact, legacy has been a formal

    part of A&M’s admissions process only since 1989 and has played far less of a role in admissions than

    either Aggies or others probably believe.

    In an admissions process based on individual

    merit and potential contribution to the university community, prior affiliation with Texas A&M should

    not be a criterion. We intend to continue to urge students from Aggie families to apply to A&M and, if

    accepted, to enroll here. But, after consultation with each of the Texas A&M University System Regents,

    I have decided that, effective immediately, Texas A&M will no longer award points for legacy in the

    admissions review process.

    I had intended that legacy be addressed in an ongoing review

    of our admissions procedures. However, public perceptions of the fairness and equity of our process

    clearly are important and require prompt action to deal with an obvious inconsistency in an admissions

    strategy based on individual merit.

    Indeed, in retrospect, this decision regarding

    legacy should have been part of my December 3rd announcement and because it was not, Texas A&M has

    suffered unfortunate negative publicity. I take full responsibility for that.

    Today’s

    announcement brings greater consistency and equity to our admissions decision making process. We will

    continue our review.

  • Gatsby, Zizek, and a Victory for Florida Tomato Workers

    By Nick Braune
    Mid-Valley Town Crier
    by permission

    Over Christmas break I reread The Great Gatsby, my favorite novel. It describes our human fate, relentless and connecting up to human violence (called “carelessness” in the book); like an ancient Greek tragedy, the novel always leaves me drenched and almost cleansed at the end. Written in 1922, it is “the great American novel,” loaded with insights and criticism, even pointing out America’s beginning fixation on automobiles, “driving toward death in the cooling twilight.”

    And, if that was not moody enough, I got a new book for Christmas, Violence, by a philosopher from Slovenia, Slavoj Zizek (pronounced “JeeJek,” I’m told). His book opens this way:

    “There is an old story about a worker suspected of stealing: every evening, as he leaves the factory, the wheelbarrow he rolls in front of him is carefully inspected. The guards can find nothing. It is always empty.” The guards never figure it out, but…”The worker is stealing wheelbarrows!”

    It made me think: We are always looking for little instances of violence, signs of violence, worrying that violence might happen on this street and being shocked when we see it in school or on a border between nations. We worry about certain T.V. shows, but we never really look at the overall structure. Maybe the whole wheelbarrow is violent; our whole social administration, our religions are violent; and, of course, Hollywood — but not just Hollywood — California is violent. We are.

    Our entertainments, our fascinations, our corporate farms, our globalized capitalist economy itself–all are part of a violent network. Violence as injustice and cruelty is everywhere: Israel, Yes. Hamas, Yes. But also America, whose “geopolitical” plans for the Middle East have caused the current Gaza conflict, ultimately pushing confrontation and blocking U.N. peace efforts, and other efforts. (Remember America’s on-going geopolitical invasion and occupation of Iraq has taken over half a million lives, and created 3 million refugees, some displaced inside Iraq and some now living outside it.)

    “Oh, I am so shocked that Hamas fired random rockets onto territory that Israel now owns,” say some conservatives. “Oh, I am so shocked at Israel’s disproportionate response, killing 100 Palestinians for every one Israeli killed,” say some liberals. But I think Zizek might say, “Look at the disparities between rich and poor and the millions of people killed through 200 years of British and U.S. imperialism in Asia, the Middle East and Africa. For once, let’s quit acting shocked, notice the wheelbarrow, and examine root causes.”

    Although I may review Violence for this column soon — it deserves a good review — let me report something directly hopeful.

    * * *

    I interviewed Marina Saenz-Luna, a woman in her early twenties, I guess, whom I worked with two summers ago on issues involving detention centers. She has since moved up north to be an organizer with Just Harvest USA, but was visiting here in the Rio Grande Valley last week.

    Braune: I know your group has celebrated a victory lately for the tomato pickers in Florida.

    Saenz-Luna: Yes. Just Harvest USA is proudly linked to the Campaign for Fair Food created after the CIW victory against Taco Bell a few years ago. [CIW is a Florida farmworker union: Coalition of Immokalee Workers.] The most recent victory was an agreement with Subway. Subway met the workers’ demands: A one penny more per pound wage increase, the creation of a code of conduct that would extend to all of the workers that pick fruits and vegetables in the U.S. for Subway restaurants, and a zero tolerance policy on slavery.

    Braune: I know that the Subway settlement is a great victory: forcing Taco Bell, then McDonalds and Burger King and now Subway to start recognizing the tomato pickers’ dignity. But what is the general mission of Just Harvest USA?

    Saenz-Luna: We want to advance farmworker rights, by drawing attention and commitment to human and labor rights, especially through the sustainable food movement. We generate national awareness of farmworkers’ struggles for justice among people who care about local, healthy, non-corporate food and agriculture; and we mobilize this sector in effective campaigns for living wages and safe and dignified working conditions for farmworkers.

    Braune: I know you identify closely with the working class and the poor. And you see them as the agent of change, right?

    Saenz-Luna: Yes. I once worked a job where I too was exploited and at a loss. It’s been the CIW that has inspired me to speak up for myself: members tell their own stories and lead others in the Campaign for Fair Food. I moved down to Immokalee, Florida at the beginning of last year as an intern to learn how some of the lowest-paid and least respected workers in the U.S. were getting not only higher wages for the tomatoes they picked for about 90% of the country in the winter-time but more importantly gaining dignity and respect.

    Braune: And now you work in Baltimore with the national network.

    Saenz-Luna: Yes, I am now on the steering committee representing Baltimore, Maryland and the surrounding area (where I now live) for the Student/Farmworker Alliance. (Two people in the Valley in our network are Victoria Siempre and John-Michael Torres. The Valley has a special relationship with Immokalee: I met many families when I was in Immokalee, Florida who had started picking oranges and grapefruits in the Valley a few decades ago.)

    The Campaign for Fair Food is calling on the agribusiness industry as a whole to take responsibility for the miserable conditions that those who labor to harvest our fruit and vegetables endure. Our campaign has included tactics of brand-busting fast food logos, making alternative, independent media to tell farmworker’s stories, and ultimately influencing popular culture across culturas and ages by engaging in creative non-violent actions, marches and discussions big and small.